By
Vdike@cwnet.com
[
A
Paper Presented to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD)
Sixty-first session 8-9 August 2002
Therefore, this paper discusses the Osu caste system, an indigenous religious belief system, practiced within the Igbo nation, with the purpose of bringing the discriminatory, dehumanizing and obnoxious Osu caste system to the attention of the international community.
The Igbos are
found mostly in the Southeastern and
However, a relic
of the indigenous religious practice of the Igbos is the dehumanizing Osu caste
system, which has divided and alienated the Igbos.
Therefore, this
paper discusses the Osu caste system, an indigenous religious belief system,
practiced within the Igbo nation, with the purpose of bringing the
discriminatory, dehumanizing and obnoxious Osu caste system to the attention of
the international community. This is because whenever issues of discriminatory
practices around the world are tabled for discussion in the international
community the repugnant and discriminatory Osu caste system is never mentioned.
It is essential
to provide some definitions and clarifications of terms associated with the Osu
caste system. It would be very difficult, if not impossible to explain and
analyze the terms related to the issue to individuals who are not familiar with
the system without an explanation of the many labels describing the Osu. Each
ethnic nationality in
The Igbos, which
are the center of this discourse, discriminate against each other by reason of
the Osu caste status. The Igbo people refer to the Osu in varied names; it is
referred to as Adu-Ebo in Nzam in
In this paper
the author shall use the term, Osu, to describe all the lower caste groups in
Igboland. It should noted that in their hierarchy of social status, the
The Osu, by
definition, is a people sacrificed to the gods in Igbo community. And they
assist the high priest of the traditional religion to serve the deities or the
gods in their shrine. It is the belief of many Igbo traditionalists that the
deities, which were (and are still) perceived in some quarters as being very
powerful, would wreck havoc in the society, if they are not appeased. In some
special circumstances, those who hold the traditional beliefs of the Igbos could
transform a Diala who committed certain atrocities against the land, into an Osu.
This process involved intricate rituals (offering of libations and sacrificing
animals to the earth goddess). Some of the ancestors of the present-day Osu
people inherited their dehumanizing social status this way. That method is now a
thing of the old; Western influence has affected this practice. Presently, one
could acquire the Osu status through inheritance and marriage.
Because of many
oral interpretations of the construct, the Osu has various definitions. It has
been defined as a ‘cult slave,’ a living sacrifice,’ an ‘untouchable,’
‘outcast,’ ‘owner’s cult,’ ‘a slave of the deity,’ and a ‘sacred
and holy being.’ 3 These names mean the same: it is an abomination in the Igbo
society for the Diala to marry Osu.
For this author,
the Osu caste system is a societal institution borne out of a primitive
traditional belief system colored by superstition, and propagated by ignorance.
It is absurd to categorize a human as a sub-human being. Although this author is
not a member of the group, he condemns the practice of the Osu caste system,
because it is a human rights aberration.
The Osu caste
system, which is a form of discrimination, has caused inter-communal discords
and wars between the Osu and the Diala in Igboland. And many lives and
properties have been destroyed as a result.
According to the
United Nations definition, ‘discrimination includes any conduct based on a
distinction made on grounds of natural or social categories, which have no
relation either to individual capacities or merits, or to the concrete behavior
of the individual person.’ The discriminatory Osu practices involves
inequality in freedom of movement and choice of residence, inequality in the
right of peaceful association, inequality in the enjoyment of the right to marry
and establish a family, (and) inequality in access to public office…
slavery’ (Allport 1979, p. 52). That is the crux of the matter with the Osu
caste system in Igboland. If one may ask, could a right exist if it is not
regularly enforced? To put it differently, can a right exist without specific
legislation that provides for its protection and remedies if violated? Oddly
enough, the victims of the Osu system have not any legal recourse in Igboland.
And strangely, some people believe that the humiliating Osu caste system is a
part of the Igbo culture nobody should temper with. Fortunately, many Igbos have
a contrary opinion.
All human beings
are created equal, but human experiences are heterogeneous. Some people have had
it rough all their life on earth, while others do not have a lot to complain
about. Naturally, life has the same meaning for everyone, but the Osu caste
system in Igboland seems to have changed the meaning of life for a group of
people branded Osu. No historical
question gives the Igbos more concern than that of, “How did the Osu caste
system come to be in Igboland?” This section of the paper attempts to deal
with the question.
There are many
versions of oral information on the origins of the Osu caste system. In the
absence of documented information, oral sources are central to the study of
history in Igboland, and other parts of
The indigenous religion is interwoven with Igbo cultural practices, and it is difficult for foreigners to fully understand and appreciate the good part of the Igbo culture. The indigenous Igbo regards himself as a meeting point of Mother Earth or “Ala”, which contains all physical creation and the ancestral spirit that is functionally linked to his ancestors. The Supreme Spirit “Chi-Ukwu” or “Chukwu” is the force of creation and the custodian of infinite power over everything. The Igbo man relates to this infinitely powerful God image through the deities that are ultimately linked to one’s “chi” or spiritual force. Deities are derived out of objects of creation such as ‘geophysical landmarks’ like seas, lakes, rivers, streams, caves, hills and mountains, spirits such as warrior-kings and legendary spiritual leaders. Those geophysical landmarks are regarded as the homes of the gods and the ancestral spirits (Isiechi 1976). And the gods are perceived as the bridges between the people and their life. And the belief was that these gods could be manipulated in order to protect them and serve their interest.4
An
individual’s fortunes are determined by the byproduct of interactions that
exist between one’s “chi”, the deities and the Creator or “Chineke”.
Humans interact directly with deities, which function as intermediaries to the
Supreme Spirit or Creator. Being in good terms with powerful deities in one’s
domain is an assurance that one is likely to obtain the largesse of creation
while, at same time, minimize the wrath of the forces of nature. It is an
individual’s obligation to observe the customs of the land since their
violation could offend the deities; and goodwill and protection from the deities
depends on one’s cordial relationship with them.
Every indigenous
Igbo community maintained a shrine where the family’s ancestral spirits
resided and communed with the living. There were (are still) village and town
deities, which became more powerful because of their reputation or notoriety.
This category of deities is almost like institutions unto themselves. The
deities were (and some are still) attended to by highly respected priests and
assistants, who were (are) engaged in serving the spiritual needs of visitors
who could come from far away places to commune at the famous shrines.
Historical
accounts have it that, about 6 centuries ago, the growth in number of powerful
deities created the need for many assistants for the high priests of major
shrines. Miniature ‘monasteries’ were established in the vicinity of major
shrines to train and maintain a constant supply of high-priest assistants. And
because some of these deities are believed to be very powerful, they should be
attended to on continuous basis, with intricate religious rituals in their
shrines. However, the “indigenous monks,” upon mastering their spiritual
functions (of learning to serve the gods) were unjustly and erroneously assigned
the Igbo pejorative name of Osu,
The early Osu
ranks were “non-celibate” and thus had families; and the offspring inherited
their status. The community maintained a set of rules that regulated their
interactions with the Osus, mostly out of fear (and or respect) for the powerful
deities under which they thrived and performed their religious functions. For
instance, intimate social interaction, including marriage, was forbidden between
Osus and the Diala. In some communities, it is forbidden for the Diala to spill
the blood of Osus (even in non-hostile situations). Some communities go as far
as forbidding the Diala from eating meat that was butchered or prepared by an
Osu. The list of items that maintain a social divide between the Osus and the
Diala grew and till today, but they vary from place to place. Any person who
breaches the rules regulating their interaction with the Osu automatically
becomes an Osu. Even though the offenders may not physically relocate to cohabit
with the Osus, they were (are) regarded and treated like an Osu by the rest of
the community. Like the racism, Osuism 5 have distorts and impedes normal
interpersonal relationship between the Diala and Osu in Igboland.
Before the
arrival of the ‘white man’ and Christianity, the discriminatory relationship
that existed between Osus and Diala was perceived as normal. Things are
gradually changing; the world is beginning to perceive the Osu caste system as a
form of discrimination. However, the Osus fulfilled their lives in the
communities by serving the deities. In return, they obtained a reasonable
livelihood from proceeds of offerings that pour steadily into the premises of
the deities that they served. The coming of the Europeans led to a process of
social change and some of the customs of the indigenous Igbo society were
beginning to be seen as going contrary to the beliefs of the Europeans. In the
past, the tradition of some of the Igbo states, such as Ossomari and Arondizuogu,
engaged in communal wars with the intention of procuring captives and slaves.
Communities tended to punish their criminals by selling them into slavery. In
some cases, parents were forced by “poverty and hunger” to sell their
never-do-well children. During this stone-aged era human sacrifice was common,
and slaves were often used for this purpose. According to Isiechi (1976), the
dead rulers of Igbo Ukwu were buried together with several slaves as sacrifices.
However, the
trans-Atlantic slave trade contributed to the frequency of inter-clan wars,
which often resulted in neighboring communities raiding each other for slaves
and other booties. The Osus were forbidden to be combatants in warfare for fear
of spilling their blood, which could unleash the wrath of the deities. Some
defenseless small communities were often compelled to seek refuge in the
premises of nearby shrines in order to avert impending doom when under sudden
attack from superior invading forces. Once the deity’s high priest
acknowledged and granted them protection from attack and harm to the refugees,
they were automatically converted to the Osu status.
In some
circumstances, prisoners captured during inter-communal wars were sold off, and
their new owners could elect to enlist some of them to Osu status by giving them
away as gestures of and placation to a local deity. Other captives could be sold
as slaves or become objects of ritual murder, which occurred mostly upon the
death of powerful chieftains. However, some war captives preferred the Osu
status rather than being sold far away to distant lands as slaves. Thus, the
population of the Osu increased. Evidence suggests that the Osu were originally
regarded with “respect and honour” apparently because they belonged to the
gods. This show of respect for those who attended to the shrines, unfortunately,
transformed into social ostracism. 6 And the Osus were not many in number. But
in the nineteenth century, “their numbers expanded and their status
deteriorated dramatically, so that they became outcasts, feared and despised”
or even abhorred (Basden 1966).
With the
abolition of slave trade in the nineteenth century (1807) the loss of external
outlets for the sale of slaves led to an unprecedented escalation of the
practice of using human beings for sacrifice. It was reported that forty slaves
were killed and used for sacrifice at the death of Obi Ossai of Aboh, in 1845 (Isiechi
1976). As mentioned earlier, there is a strong Igbo belief that the spirits of
one’s ancestors keep a constant vigil over him/her. And traditional religion
was highly practiced by the traditionalists; thus, the spirits of the
all-important ancestors were worshipped through the gods or deities.
In addition, the
cessation of trans-Atlantic slave trade (and the inculcation of new values from
the Europeans), the respect accorded to the Osu (because of their role as
servants of powerful deities) began to wane. As noted earlier, the European
missionaries began to perceive the ways of the indigenous religious practices as
impediments to their mission of spreading the Christian faith. Thus, assault on
the Igbo indigenous religious practices was fierce and multi-faceted. Children
were effectively indoctrinated in the emerging school system to reject their
parents’ traditional way of life, which was characterized as both primitive
and barbaric. The children in schools were used effectively as conduits for
transforming the rest of the family.
In most cases,
parents opted to join their children by converting to Christianity in order to
avert major internal family crises. Where such was not the case, the aging
parents were simply allowed to die away with their indigenous religious and
cultural belief system. The converts to the new faith were used by early
missionaries as effective tools for the destruction of cultural artifacts and
religious objects like shrines, traditional sculptures and a host of other
valuable indigenous artwork. Test of the new converts’ faith in Christianity
was usually their ability to destroy any relics of the past within their reach.
But the whole of Igbo culture did not lie only in its artistic, cultural and
religious artifacts. In spite of all the destruction, the average Igbo person
retained the core values of his cultural heritage. Many people became
churchgoers on Sundays, but remained loyal to the indigenous culture.
The interest of
the British in
One of the
factors that enabled early Christian missionaries to establish a foothold
quickly in the Igbo heartland was their promise to new converts (mostly the Osus)
that the new order would guarantee equality of rights and opportunities to
everyone. But disillusionment (as earlier noted), soon dampened their enthusiasm
when it gradually became clear that even the “whiteman’s church” was not
powerful enough to stop the discriminatory treatment meted out to them. The Osus,
at the time in review, were known to have pursued Western education in large
numbers. In addition, many joined the new Christian mission as priests and
teachers. In spite of these accomplishments, the Osus’ right to equal
treatment remained unfulfilled, because neither the Christian missionaries nor
the sketchy colonial administration in place had what it took to change the
attitude of the people at the grassroots level where the Osu practice
predominates. Presently, the Osus are like refugees who have been abandoned to
wonder in the wilderness after being dislodged from their comfortable places as
the servers of the deities. The respect and dignity that the Osus experienced
because of their role within the indigenous religion has now been replaced with
a de facto social ostracism from which escape is extremely difficult.
Another story
has a different version of how the Osu system came to be in Igboland community.
The story had it that an old man told some children who were gathered with him
around a camp fire during a cold harmattan morning how a group of traditional
elders ganged up to give up one of their own to the gods of the land. (The
harmattan is a cold and dry wind blowing down from the north). The storyteller
reported that his father told him that there was an agreement among the persons
that were gathered for a ritual that one person from the village would be
sacrificed to the gods, which would be made to appease the gods of the land that
were terrorizing the community. Everyone at the meeting swore in the name of the
gods and on the ofor (the ofor is the bible for those who hold traditional Igbo
beliefs) that nobody would disagree with their decisions. The powerful gods
would be made happy so that they would desist from wrecking havoc on the
community. The man who was later chosen to attend to the shrines did not know
that he was the person that would be selected to perform the task of serving the
gods.
When the man who
was a party to the decision was unanimously selected (to be offered in sacrifice
to the deities), he jumped up from his chair and cried, as he knew what his
social status would be in the community. After a series of intense rituals were
undertaken, the man was transformed and labeled an Osu of the land. And his
descendants have since inherited his status. The community had to build a hut
for him at a market square of the town, as the gods are usually located near a
market place in many communities in Igboland.7 Thus, the Osu system finds
rationalization in Igbo religious beliefs and dogma.
Each time these
stories are recounted, it would be easy for any rational person to figure out
that they are colored by misconception. It is the opinion of this author that
the Osu caste system, which has caused a lot misery to many people in Igboland,
originated out of ancient beliefs. All these stories about the Osu caste system
precede the Chinua Achebe’s popular Things Fall Apart, in which the plights of
the Osu or outcast in Igboland were vividly, described (1959, pp.154-156).
No matter how
the Osu caste system originated in Igboland, and no matter its apparent past
benefits, it is now the feeling of many peace-loving individuals that the
ancient institution, which is an internal apartheid in Igboland, has outlived
its usefulness. To redeem the Osus and Igbo society (which practice the
obnoxious Osu caste system) one should revisit the past so as to explain the
rationale behind the once vibrant Osu caste culture. The Osu caste system
remains a sad reminder of the historical past of the Igbo nation. The only way
to put those sad memories to rest is to find the ways and means to terminate the
discriminatory practices of the Osu caste system as it exists today. And with
the co-operation of everyone in the Igbo nation, this task can be accomplished.
Many other forms
of discriminatory practices abound in Nigeria, but the Osu caste system is the
main focus here. In the Southeast of Nigeria, the people of Umuode in Nkanu East
local government area of Enugu State, who are said to be the descendants of the
Osu, are being treated as second class citizens. In their Oruku community made
up of Umuode, Umuchiani and Onuogowu, the people of Umuode have limited social
interaction with the rest of the community because of their ascribed Osu status.
And strangely, the other two villages cannot intermarry with the people of
Umuode. No matter their social status in the community the local churches could
hardly appoint the people of Umuode to positions of responsibility. Thus, the
people are made outcasts. This class ostracism is operated in such a manner that
any person from the other side of the community who talks to, or greets any
person from Umuode, pays a fine sometimes as high as one Thousand Naira
(N1,000). Because of this situation
the people of Umuode operate their own local market different from the Eke-oruku
market, which is owned exclusively by Umuchiani and Onuogowo.
The people of Umuode have waged wars against this social stigma; about
five major conflicts have been recorded in this area since 1995, and many lives
have been lost (Agbaegbu, 12 Jan. 2000).
The people of
Umuaka community in Imo State, Nigeria, categorize one of their ten villages Osu.
Other minor lower caste groups found in many kindred are given the pejorative
Igbo expression of ‘ndi ejiri goro ihe,’ meaning those who are sacrificial
lamb to the gods. They are slaves to the gods of the community and kindred. As
is the case in Umuode in Oruku community, the discrimination of the Diala
against the Osu in Umuaka affects marriage and relationships of love with the
Osu and the rest of the community. The Diala is traditionally and socially
abhorred and forbidden to marry an Osu; intermarriage with Osu is an
abomination.
However, some
communities, for example, Nnobi in Idemili local government area of Anambra
State, have been able to fully integrate their Osu population into the
mainstream of the community. 8 All other Igbo communities should emulate the
good work of the Nnobi community and work harder to bridge the Osu divide in
their areas.
In Umuaka the
Osus who are interested in politics in the community are not getting the
necessary support from the rest of the community. This has greatly hindered
their social upward mobility in the community. In the past the avid supporters
of the Osu caste system would even refrain from eating (dinning) with them or
drink from the same water-well (pond) with the Osu.
As noted
earlier, this type of behavior could be likened to the issues during the civil
right struggles in the United States when the ‘whites’ and ‘blacks’ were
prevented from drinking from the same public fountain (Smelser 1981). In the
past when the Osu discriminatory behavior was taken to the extreme, those who
believed in the system would even refrain from touching the Osu for fear of
being transformed into an Osu. In addition, in the past the ardent supporters of
the Osu caste system would not buy whatever the Osu merchants had for sell in
the local market. During that period in review, there was an apparent
superstition that the ghost of the ancestors would haunt any person who was
friendly with the Osu. There has been some slight improvement in social
interaction between the Diala and the Osu, although inter-marriage between the
two is still seen as a social taboo by the Diala.
In the late
1980s, the Osu people in Umuaka revolted, as they could not take the humiliation
from the Diala any more. They physically assaulted a couple of women from the
Diala section of the community, with the intention of transforming the women to
Osu so that the Diala would reject them. The
action would also give them the taste of the pains and humiliation of the Osu
status. The brouhaha that followed this action was short-lived, as the Diala in
the community responded with counter forces. In Imo State alone over 60 of such
incidents have been reported since 1979 (see Ezeala & the Association for
Social Justice (not dated); and Agbaegbu, 12 January 2000).
The Osu social
problem cannot be solved by temporarily subduing those groups that are suffering
from injustices with force. This author is not advocating violence, but the
riots, which occurred in Umuaka in the late 1980s, and those of Umuode in the
1990s, are cautionary tales of what might happen to some of the Igbo communities
if the plights of the Osu are not resolved. The insensitivity of the generality
of the Igbos to the plights of the Osu has the potential to cause social
violence in Igboland. And according to psychology, frustration can breed
aggression. This author would like to add that hatred and discrimination breed
frustration, which in turn breeds hatred and aggression. As Philosopher Spinoza
rightly and nicely noted, “He who conceives himself hated by another, and
believes that he had given him no cause for hatred, will hate that other in
return” (Allport 1979, p.155).
The Igbos should
begin to treat the “Osus” as the human beings that they really are. Any
person who thinks they deserve the ugly social conditions they found themselves
in should walk in their shoes (or switch lives with them) to feel their pains.
While the world may not know everything about why and how conflicts occur in
societies, several studies show that inequality, abuse of human and civil
rights, absence of the rule of law, discrimination and absence of freedom are
among the major causes of conflicts (and even civil wars). The United Nations’
documents on social unrest in African societies point to these factors.9
Although some of
the behaviors against the Osu are caused by the traditional belief system of the
Igbos, this author would say that many of the supporters of the Osu caste
practice are deficient in the skills needed to analyze the socio-economic and
political development of the Igbo nations. If not, they should have known that
such behaviors toward the so-called Osu affects the image of, and are
detrimental to their welfare and the progress of the hardworking and peace
loving Igbo society at large. It is criminal to violate people’s civil and
human rights under the excuse of preserving an ancient culture. As it were,
“An injustice unresolved…burns a hole in the heart” (Cose, April 21, 1997,
p.45).
It has been
noted in the preceding sections that the Diala interact less with or avoids the
Osu completely. In some communities in Igboland an Osu is regarded as a
worthless human being. As Things Fall Apart notes in a conversation, which
ensued over the question of admitting outcasts to a local little church in the
village of Mbanta, between Mr. Kiaga, a missionary teacher, and one of the
converts, the Osu is:
a person
dedicated to a god, a thing set apart – a taboo forever, and his children
after him. He could neither marry nor be married by the freeborn. He was in fact
an outcast, living in a special area of the village, close to the Great Shrine.
Wherever he went he carried with him the mark of his forbidden caste – long,
tangled dirty hair. A razor was a taboo to him. An Osu could not attend an
assembly of the freeborn, and they, in turn, could not shelter under his roof.
He could not take any of the four titles of the clan, and when he died he was
buried by his kind in the Evil Forest. How could such a man be a follower of
Christ? (Achebe 1959, p.156)
The issue of
stereotyping is not new. With almost a uniform agreement among white Americans,
African-Americans are labeled (in error), as lower class in mentality and
manners. In a study conducted in the 1930s, Kimball Young listed many
stereotypes for the “Negroes” in the United States. The study noted that
African-Americans have “emotional instability, [are] lazy and boisterous”
(Young, 1934, pp.158-163).
Why does the
Diala avoid (or interacts less) with the Osu groups? When this author was
younger, he was told many ‘funny and strange’ stories about the Osu group in
his community similar to those documented in Things Fall Apart. There is a
belief that people interact less or avoid the Osu because they feared that the
spirit of the deities (which the Osu people serve), would haunt those who
socialize with the Osu. The people in the villages believe that the deities that
the Osu attends to are powerful and dangerous.
Others would say
that socializing with the Osu would contaminate, pollute and transform the Diala
into an Osu. There is also the belief that since the Osu has been dedicated to
the gods it was a taboo to socialize with the group. In addition, oral history
would say that the Osu is isolated because they “steal” and are
“dishonest.” Yet, other stories would say that the Diala abhor those branded
Osu because they are “dirty” or that they have “repulsive body odor” and
are “lazy.” However, there is no empirical evidence to support these
inhumane assertions (Dike 2002).
While some of
the leaders of thoughts, the elite and politicians in Igboland pretend not to
know about this social injustice, many reasonable and enlightened individuals in
Igboland believe that the Osu caste system is a pure “politics of unreason”
at its highest level (Lipset & Raab 1970). This discriminatory behavior is
an added burden on the Osu who are already burdened with unemployment, poverty,
crime and other injustices prevalent in Nigeria. And through socialization (and
bias inherited from their parents) some of the Igbo youth have internalized the
discriminatory behavior toward the Osu.
The Osu system
is “a cultural albatross for the Igbo society,” as it is an impediment to
human relationships and social progress (Nwosu, June 19, 1999). The Osu caste
system, which the forefathers of the Igbos invented, has become the culture in
parts of Igboland. Sociologists have noted that the culture of a people
influences their lives. And Igbo culture (as one can see), has influenced the
practice and propagation of the Osu caste system.
Without a doubt,
“Culture Matters” (Harrison and Huntington (eds.) 2000). The culture of a
people, therefore, is an important variable in their social progress. Thus, a
society’s heritage, values, and customs, in large part, determine its social
progress. If discrimination and segregation are inimical to social progress,
then no society should preserve that aspect of its culture, which hinders its
progress.
If one may ask,
are the shrines that were inherited from the ancestors to blame for the
continued practice of the Osu caste system in Igboland? Is the caste system
compatible with the principles of democracy? Are the civil and human rights of
the Osu groups not being violated? Is the Osu caste system in agreement with the
Igbos’ belief that one is his or her brother’s keeper? One cannot ask enough
questions here!
Obviously the
Osu culture violates the civil and human rights of the people subjected to it.
It is also against the principles of democracy, as it encourages segregation and
inhibits the free association of the Osu with the Diala in Igbo society. At a
period when the world is evolving into a global community, there is no room for
this type of hate and bigotry. Preaching democracy by word of mouth is not
enough. It has to be followed with actions. The discriminatory treatment of this
group by the Diala runs contrary to how Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart
portrays the Igbo culture. Okonkwu visited Nwakibie “to pay his respects and
also to ask for a favor” with two pots of palm wine. During the presentation
of colanut and offering of libation Nwakibie intoned:
We shall all
live. We pray for life, children, a good harvest and happiness. You will have
what is good for you and I will have what is good for me. Let the kite perch and
the eagle perch too. If one says no to the other, let his wing break. (Achebe,
1959, p.19)
Thus, any person
(or group) who discriminates against any human being (or group), does not wish
that person (or group) well. In fact, if it were within the power of the ardent
believers of the Osu system to decide who would go to heaven. The untouchables
(as the Osu is often referred to), because of their social status, would not be
allowed any place in heaven. Fortunately, these heartless and overly
mean-spirited individuals do not have the power to play God. The Osu system and
other forms of discrimination should not occur in any modern society. Nigeria
should begin to educate her population on the importance of respecting the human
and civil rights of their fellow human beings. Although the Osu caste system is
not a Pan-Igbo issue, the effects on the people subjected to it is as
discouraging and humiliating as the effects of the racial discrimination in the
United States, or apartheid policy in South Africa before 1994.
Hatred and
distrust between and among groups is not new. The Blacks in the United States
suffer terrible discrimination in the hands of whites. As an example, the banks
in the United States are much more reluctant to give loans/grants to blacks than
to whites (The Economist, July 10th 1993). In Apartheid South Africa, blacks
(before the system was dismantled in 1994), suffered similar discrimination in
the hands of the whites.
Like the racial
discrimination in the United States, the Osu caste system promotes an ideology
of the supremacy of the Diala over the Osu. Because racial discrimination occurs
mostly between people of different skin colors (e.g. black and white) or between
people from different nationalities, it is very difficult to understand the Osu
phenomenon in the social history of the Igbos (a people of the same ethnicity).
The modern world
views the ownership of human beings by other human beings, and the use of human
beings for sacrifice as evil. Sadly, this was one of the characteristics of the
Osu caste system in Igboland. As mentioned earlier, several Osu slaves were
buried as a ritual to bury and mourn for deceased rulers, including the ruler of
Igbo Ukwu. And this practice expanded during the years of slave trade (Isichei
1976). Although the Osu people are not physically being slaughtered presently
for rituals, but the Osu social stigma is a tremendous barrier to human
relations and their upward mobility in some Igbo communities (see Chapter 2).
The sad fact
remains that the domination and control of human beings by others has been a
common practice in societies around the world; and this has been powered by
prejudice and discrimination. For instance, slavery was an integral part of the
ancient Greek society, and Plato was known to have opposed the enslavement of
Greeks. Slaves were used for many tedious domestic chores in ancient Rome before
the 2nd Century BC. But most of the slaves were foreigners and prisoners-of-war
(Adkins and Adkins, 1994).
Unlike the Osu
caste system in Igboland the slaves did not remain slaves from cradle to grave.
And this practice of human enslavement did not go unchallenged. Three great
slave revolts took place during this period. Two revolts occurred in Sicily in
135-132 BC and104-101 BC; and the other took place in Italy around 73-71 BC
(Adkins & Adkins, 1994; Madden, 1996). However, those slaves became free by
being given manumission (freedom) by their owner, or by buying their own
freedom. And any children subsequently born to them became free citizens (Adkins
& Adkins 1994; Madden, 1996).
As noted
earlier, in the Apartheid South Africa racial segregation was the law of the
land before 1994. In South Africa, the English are against the Afrikaner. Both
are against the Jews; and all the three are opposed to the Indians. But all the
four conspire against the native black South Africans (Allport 1979). But the
apartheid system was destroyed with the combination of internal forces and
pressure from multinational corporations and foreign countries. Some of the
readers may recall that the election of Nelson Mandela as the first black
president of the country apparently brought a closure to the inhuman system.
The Igbos of
Nigeria were among the many nations that opposed the repressive system of
Apartheid in South Africa. Although the Osu caste system in Igboland may not be
perceived as a national issue, Nigeria and in fact, the Igbos who were against
Apartheid in South Africa should have destroyed its own internal apartheid
before asking South Africa to do the same. Unfortunately, at the turn of the
21st Century, the Osu caste system is still in existence in many Igbo
communities. This system is as repressive, if not more repressive, than the
apartheid system in South Africa. As it was in the apartheid system an Osu, in
most part, is segregated from the rest of the community; they are more or less
like a socially imprisoned people in the Igbo community.
Racial
discrimination was prominent in the Southern part of the United States before
the American Civil War (1860-1865). The so-called Jim Crow laws enforced
segregation with separate public drinking fountains for blacks and whites. Other
minorities, Hispanics, Vietnamese, Native Americans were (and are still) being
treated with disregard in the United States (Smelser 1981). Federal and State
laws by the end of the sixties prohibit discrimination in all places. And the
laws weigh heavily on any person or organization found guilty of this offense.
Despite all the laws against discrimination in the society, covert racial
discrimination is still alive and well in the United States. There remain
discriminations in employment, housing, and in marriage.
This author has
been subjected to discrimination in many instances in the United States. In one
painful and frustrating instance, he was intentionally negatively appraised, and
disparately treated on the job. Why? This is simply because he is a black
person. Having experienced discrimination in the United States, this author
could not avoid speaking against discrimination in Igboland. The ability of a
black person in the United States to perform a simple task is always in question
by the racist white man, even after he or she has proved himself capable of
performing the task beyond all reasonable doubt. As one writer rightly noted, in
the year 2000, race in America still has a powerful impact on life experiences.
Race affects mortality rates of black babies, the quality of education of black
children where blacks live, how they interact with the police, the kind of
employment opportunities or health care available to them – in short, life
experiences from cradle to grave (Shaw, Feb. 25, 2000, p. A72).
Unlike the Osu
caste practice in Igboland, racial discrimination in the United States is now
chiefly practiced in covert and indirect ways. Because of all the laws in the
society discrimination is no longer primarily a face-to-face encounter where
embarrassment would result. And with the laws the victims of racial
discrimination have some legal recourse. This is not to idealize the United
States on race matters. White Americans are still very much better off; and they
dominate political power. In other words, race still affects all facets of a
black person’s life in the United States.
The common ill
treatment of blacks, both the poor as well as the affluent could be seen in
attitudes. The Ku Klux Klan (KKK), the Skin Heads and White Supremacy, are among
the reminders of the hostility against minorities, and the dangers of
discrimination and prejudice in the United States (Smelser 1981; Bettelheim
& Janowitz, 1964).
Adolf Hitler’s
hatred for the Jews and the atrocities his followers committed at the Auschwitz
concentration camp, are still fresh in memory. The heinous act is very difficult
to understand. In this camp millions of men, women, and children, mostly of
Jewish descent, were murdered. Between the summer of 1941 and the end of World
War II in 1945, about two and a half million people perished at Auschwitz in gas
chambers and ovens. This was a deliberate genocide, which represented what Adolf
Hitler had called the final solution of the Jewish problem. Nothing other than
prejudice and discrimination against the Jews led to the horrible and
unpardonable homicide (Allport 1979; Smelser, 1981; Shirer 1960).
The ending of
the East-West Cold War and the peace treaty signed between Israel, Egypt, and
Jordan has not helped the matter in the Middle East. And despite the on-going
peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, the Arab/ Muslim, and
Israeli conflict continues to simmer in the Middle East. In other words,
violence between Muslims and Christians is still on the rise.
The caste
discrimination in India is another global problem. The original caste system in
India, Varna, came about when the Aryan-speaking nomadic groups migrated from
the north to India in about 1500 BC. In other words, the caste system, which has
been part of the Hindu religion, is believed to be nearly 3000 years old. The
caste is an indicator of social and economic disparity in India.10 The Harijans
(the unclean, the lowest of the low caste, outcast, or untouchables) were known
to have performed the menial jobs in the society (Sarchet-Waller, 1996; Murthy,
1999). The Harijans and Chamars were formerly denied access to skilled jobs and
landed property by virtue of their caste. In India religious sanctions are used
to impose an assignment of social hierarchy, which is impossible to escape,
except of course, by changing one’s religion.
However, Mahatma
Gandhi fought against the evils of the caste system until he was assassinated in
1948. In September 1932, he began the struggle to “bring about a silent
revolution in the structure” of the Indian society. Gandhi lamented that
untouchability was “crushing the very soul of Indian religion and society.”
He promised the poorest and most downtrodden of the India’s poor- the
untouchables- that democracy would free them from their misery. Gandhi continued
to fight to “eradicate the [caste] practice he found so abhorrent” until his
death in 1948 (Jesudasam 1984).
The strongest
and most frontal attack on the caste system in India was the Constitution of
India adopted on Nov. 26, 1949. It is perhaps appropriate to mention that India
became an independent nation in 1947. The 1949 “constitution guarantees the
right of all its citizens to justice, liberty, equality, and dignity” (Murthy
1999). India has since been working assiduously to bridge the country’s bitter
political divides. Although prejudice still exists in the villages, currently,
India’s outcast hold high paying jobs, and in the cities they can marry from
other groups. The question is, can Nigeria’s democracy free the Osu in
Igboland as democracy has improved the life of the lower caste in India? This is
an ultimate challenge for the Nigerian democracy.
In Guyana, a
color-caste system has produced a racially divided labor market. The Africans
(blacks) are said to dominate the civil service, the professional positions, and
industry; and Indians are known to control agriculture and small businesses (Premdas,
Autumn/Winter 1995). In the Indian Andes in South America, linguistic and
cultural characteristics provide the basis for discrimination; the Indio, like
virtually everyone else in the region, is of mixed ancestry. But the Indio is
distinguished from others and ‘kept in his place’ by his mode of dressing,
his habits, etc.
In Yugoslavia,
the 1999 conflict between the Kosovars (the Moslem ethnic Albanians) and the
Serbian military and para-military forces had ethnic and religious coloration.
The Kosovars demanded political autonomy from Yugoslavia, but President Slobodan
Molisevic (with his military might) was determined to crush the people and their
demand. However, the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) did not allow the ethnic cleansing to go unpunished. The Serbs were
bombed to submission. But Slobodan Molisevic did not go down, until the
people’s October 2000 revolution forced him out of office. Mr. Slobadan
Milosevic who has since been arrested and indicted on war crimes charges, will
be tried by the International Criminal Tribunal at The Hague (CNN: World, June
29, 2001).
The massacre of
the Chechens by Russia is another reminder of the prevalence of prejudice and
discrimination all over the globe. It is beyond human comprehension why the
world has turned a deaf ear to this unjust extermination of a group by Russia.
This is not an exhaustive list of nations in the world where discrimination and
prejudice has caused untold misery. The list of injustice around the globe can
go on forever.
The Osu caste
system has many social implications. For the purpose of this work, we have
classified them as human, civil and political implications. Beginning with human
implications, the discussion follows below:
1). Human
Rights Implications
One of the
essential premises of this paper is campaign for justice and freedom for every
human being. In addition, the aim of this paper is to change the mentality of
those who support the Osu caste system in Igboland. Many of the Osu groups in
Igboland have not seen true justice because of their social status. A priori,
this has created debilitating psychic pain in the group. Due to paucity of
statistics in Nigeria there is no data to ascertain the level of damage this
system has caused on the population. It
would be appropriate for some research to be carried out in this area.
The story of the
human race, from age to age, is full of the struggle to enjoy certain
fundamental rights. These rights include freedom from inhuman treatment; freedom
from slavery; freedom from discrimination, freedom of thought, assembly and
association and other rights that are “reasonably justifiable in a democratic
society” (Azikiwe 1965, p.455). Thus, any culture or tradition that abridges
people’s freedom of association violates their human and civil rights. The
discriminatory Osu caste system in Igboland is an example of such tradition and
culture that bridges the people’s rights to free association. This is an
insult to the human race. And it is disheartening, to say the least.
Since human
rights constitute the very foundations of democracy, how can democracy thrive in
Igboland (and in Nigeria in general) with the discriminatory Osu caste system in
the society? Everyone should have the freedom to pursue happiness, as liberty is
a basic human right. Obviously, nobody can pursue happiness without being free.
Those people branded Osu should have as much equal rights to liberty, life, and
freedom as the Diala. These rights are what drive social struggles throughout
the history of mankind.
When a group is
enslaved, there is no freedom for them. And where there is no freedom, there is
obviously no democracy for the Osu group. Sadly, in Nigeria the concept of
democracy the public knows is political – sharing of resources among
individual states, looting of the treasury by the political leaders with ethnic
and religious pandering. Human and civil rights are issues that are not very
relevant to the politicians running the affairs of the society. It seems that
the leaders of Nigeria do not consider the ill treatment of the Osu as a human
right violation.
In an article in
the Punch newspaper of January 10,
1996, Mr. Kupoluyi reported how a young university graduate who was performing
his national youth-service duties in Imo State (one of the 36 states in
Nigeria), was discouraged from dating a beautiful young lady who caught his
attention. The young man who was excited about his new found lover broke the
news to one of his close friends who happened to know the social background of
the woman. The young man, who was not an Igbo, had expected his friend to be
excited for him. Instead his friend started to lecture him on the Osu culture in
Igboland. He was warned that the Diala in the community would think he was Osu
if he was seen in the company of the woman, as the woman in question was a
member of the Osu of the community. The young man could not comprehend the
culture. But his friend pressed on with stories of the social stigma of the Osu,
and how other women of Diala extraction in the area would not associate with him
because of the women.
His friend
pointed out to him the sections of the community where the Osu is living (the
system encourages segregation and hinders social interaction). As this young man
did not want to limit his chances of dating other girls in the area, he caved to
social pressure and abandoned the girl. Obviously, the young lady discovered
that her social background had been exposed to her prospective lover when the
man started to distance himself from her (Punch Jan 10, 1996). The article (and
similar stories) rekindled the ill feelings this author has had for this
repugnant and inhumane Osu caste culture.
A NewsWatch
investigation in Oruku community in Nkanu East Local Government Area of Enugu
State further demonstrated how diminutive and discriminatory the Osu practice
is. The people of Umuode in the Oruku community are regarded as Osu descendants
by the villages of Umuchiani and Onuogowo (the two other villages that make up
Oruku town). The people of Umuode are not allowed to mingle with the freeborn (Diala);
they cannot inter-marry, and they are not allowed to buy or sell in the same
local market. This is purely a primitive behavior. In Akwa-Ekiti in Anambra
State, the Osu and the Diala (like in many other Igboland communities) live in
different parts of the community (Agbaegbu, January 12, 2000). Unfortunately,
every-body in the designated Osu community is automatically pariah, irrespective
of ones beauty, level of education, or wealth. They are regarded as the lowest
species of mankind, and are treated with contempt.
In a society
such as Nigeria where there are no enforceable laws to protect the human rights
of the people, an Osu person is often exposed to public ridicule. As you read
this article many people are being unfairly treated on the basis of the Osu
caste system. Even if they are not insulted and ridiculed in public, the
“Osus” always have on them the dehumanizing Osu caste stigma.
The crusade
guaranteeing human rights and fundamental freedom of people has been on for
centuries. Thomas Jefferson’s assertion in the Declaration of Independence
(United States) is a good example. In the document, he asserted, in part:
We hold these
truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that among these are Life,
Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness…(The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999,
pp.552d-552h).
And since 1948
numerous international Human Rights Treaties have been negotiated that really
define human rights. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(1966), and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Racial Discrimination (1965), are among the many treaties. However, the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which the UN Commission on Human Rights
prepared (then Chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt), and the UN General Assembly
endorsed on Dec. 10, 1948, stands as the cornerstone document of human rights.
This date is now widely commemorated as Human Rights Day. Regional agreements on
human rights have also been drafted. The African Charter of Human and People’s
Rights signed in 1981 (and put in force in 1986), has been reported as the
weakest of the regional human rights efforts. For instance, most of the
provisions are not enforced, as regulatory institutions in the countries of
Africa are either weak or non-existent. And law enforcement officers and the
courts are tainted by corruption. This is apparently some of the reasons human
rights violations are relatively high in this part of the world (The
Encyclopedia Americana, 1999).
Clearly, the
international and regional human rights documents show that human rights and
freedom are to be enjoyed by all without distinction. Nobody should be denied
the rights based on race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other
opinions, and national or social origin, property or birth. The system is one of
the human rights crimes without parallel in the modern world. But the world is
not conscious of it. The social taboos placed on the Osu have prevented them
from developing expectations of equality and freedom of choice, as the society
has accepted the Osu caste culture as a norm. There is no rational explanation
for the continued existence of the system, which has broad human and civil
rights implications.
2). Civil
Rights Implications
Highlighting
inequality in human treatment and relationships is the main objective of this
book. Normally when people speak of civil rights, they mean those enforceable
rights or privileges, such as freedom of speech, press, assembly, the right to
vote, freedom of association, among others. Civil rights include all rights,
which human beings have received from nature that the government (or another
human being) cannot arbitrarily take away from them. And unless deprived by a
guilty sentence or death, every person should enjoy these civil rights.
Furthermore, civil rights are sometimes used to mean nonpolitical rights granted
by law, such as basic economic and social rights.
One enjoys civil
rights without hindrance if a law confers upon the person ‘a positive power to
do something.’ Thus, civil rights
are considered the cornerstone of a free society; they indicate ways in which a
society protects individual freedoms. Civil rights also involve the rights to
social justice and freedom; they also involve the rights to social justice, and
freedom of association with other individuals. Freedom to believe in error and
do evil by imposing a system of inequality among a people is not true freedom.
This is the crux of the matter with the Osu caste system in Igboland.
The question is
how can any rational human being justify the Osu caste system at this period of
modern civilization? As a civilized people, the Igbos should note that democracy
demands that the human personality in its course of development should be
allowed to proceed without artificial forces or barricade so long as its
activity does not violate the safety and reasonable rights of others (The
Encyclopedia Americana, 1999). It should also be noted that the struggle for
social development should not be limited to the accumulation of material things,
such as cars, cash, televisions, stereos, the computers and information super
highways.
It is equally
important to know that the social development of a nation (or a community) must
include, among other things, justice, fairness, and equal treatment for its
citizenry. In this way, the nation
(or community) will achieve, at least for a long time to come, a desirable
“unity in diversity” (Allport, 1979, p. 518). Any civilized society which is
by “affirmation democratic” is expected to “provide and protect…” the
civil rights of its citizens (Smith & Lindeman, 1951, p.19). And any person
who violates a person’s civil rights should be given due consequences without
fear, or favor, ill will or affection. Could the citizens of Nigeria learn to
seek their own welfare and growth, not at the expense of their fellow men and
women, but in concert with them?
The younger
generation is less stereotype-ridden of the ascribed Osu than their parents, yet
social interaction between the Osu and Diala has not really normalized. If the
younger generation is perpetuating the wrongs committed by their forebears, they
are then responsible for those wrongs. The youths that as the leaders of
tomorrow should lead in condemning the Osu practice, which is a civil rights
aberration.
Currently, the
Igbo community does not have any collective solution to the Osu caste problem.
Communities are dealing with the problem as it affects their localities. Nnobi
community is a good example. This author would like to see a general Igbo
solution to the Osu problem, instead of leaving it to individual communities.
The Igbo society should not let discriminatory Osu caste system to continue, as
the subjection of a part of the Igbo community to perpetual social misery and
degradation is an unjustifiable human behavior.
3). Political
Implications
The Osu caste
system is politically unpalatable in some Igbo communities. Those who adore the
system often express some traditional sentiments in support of the preservation
of this primitive heritage and custom whenever the issue is mentioned. Some of
them would argue that the present Igbo generation does not have the authority to
destroy what their forefathers invented. They would regard as insane any person
who suggests the jettisoning of the Osu caste system.
Like ethnicity
in Nigeria the Osu caste system influences the people’s voting behavior in
Igboland. Community development projects could be abandoned because a project is
sited in an Osu area. The community of Ifakala in Mbaitolu local government area
of Imo State had no good source of water supply. And the nearest stream in the
area is about eight kilometers away. The State government under the leadership
of Governor Sam Mbakwe in the 1980’s decided to help the community with a
pipe-borne water scheme. Strangely, a few days before the taps would begin to
run, rumors circulated that the village in which the project was located was an
Osu neighborhood, and therefore the water was deemed by the Diala as unfit for
human consumption. Consequently, the project was left to die away (Agbaegbu, Jan
12, 2000).
Some people in
Igboland might even vote against any politician who condemns, or suggests the
jettisoning of this Osu caste system. And some Igbo community would not elect a
politician from the Osu group to represent them, even if such a person is a
better candidate than the Diala. This behavior is more pronounced at the local
(village) level. This undeniably prevents the ascribed Osu people from
contributing as they ordinarily would to the sociopolitical and economic
development of their communities.
The avid
supporters of the system would not give their political support to Osu persons
who are seeking public offices. Even those in office could lose their positions
should they protest any ill treatment against the Osu group. Many examples
abound, but the one that caught the attention of this author is the case of Mr.
Morris Ede, a former commissioner for special duties in Enugu State. Mr. Ede, an
Umuode indigene, protested the manner in which Governor Nnamani of Enugu State
and his associates were handling the Osu crisis in Oruku community. The people
of Umuode were driven out of their community, because they are said to be Osu.
Apparently, because of his protest, Mr. Ede lost his job as a commissioner for
special duties when Governor Nnamani reshuffled his cabinet. 11
The Osu
situation is similar to what happened to the blacks in the United States in the
1960s. Some people are now advocating that America should pay restitution and
render apology for the violation of the civil and human rights of the Black
Race. The international community has also been called upon to recognize that
there is a unique and unprecedented moral debt owed to Africans for their
humiliation and exploitation (Robinson, 2000). By the some token, the entire
Igbo community should eradicate the Osu system and render an apology, if not
restitution, to the ascribed Osu people for their years of humiliation in the
hands of the Diala. Thus, human beings should try to differentiate right from
wrong, what is permissible and what is impermissible. The discriminatory Osu
culture (like other types of discrimination) should be brought to the attention
of the world. It is the hope of this author that this paper serves the purpose,
as the Osu caste system is a human and civil rights tragedy.
The crucial step
of trying to find solution to the Osu issue in Igboland should start with the
society recognizing that the problem exists and then muster the will to tackle
it. If the society fails to see the
problem, then it cannot confront it. And without effecting some positive changes
in the mentality of those who are in support of the system, no ‘sermon on the
mount’ or institutional sledgehammer would solve this longstanding social
problem in Igboland.
This author
believes that the Igbos can move away from this primitive aspect of their good
culture, if they have the resolve to deal with the problem. The agenda for
change proposed here reflects a serious assessment of the Osu caste challenge in
Nigeria’s social progress. This author recommends the following seven
requirements that would enable Nigeria, and the Igbos in particular, to progress
in the 21st Century. They are, in addition to legislative mandates, education of
the masses, mass media campaigns, involvement of religious institutions, genuine
contact and dialogue, individual therapy, and enforcement of the law.
One of the steps
towards eradicating the Osu caste problem is education. The main purpose of
education is to remedy ignorance. Education will involve a transformation of the
citizenry, and making them aware of their rights and duties in the society. They
should understand their own rights and the rights of other citizens, so as to
recognize when their rights and those of the others are violated. They should
also be educated on how to operate and behave in a democracy. The majority of
those who support the Osu system reside in the villages. Since the village
remains the bastion of strong habits regarding the Osu, the campaign must start
there. They should be the main targets of this enlightenment campaign, which if
properly done, would help to eradicate prejudice and discrimination in the
society.
If you educate
the people, you create awareness, reduce ignorance, and in turn increase social
interaction. The same is true of improved legislation, active participation of
the mass media, religious organizations and social dialogue (see below for
details). The Osu caste system has its roots in attitudes and behaviors that are
widely shared among some of the people in Igboland. It is true that old habits
are hard to break. But there is need for the campaign to be consistent and
continuous.
Respect for
people’s rights begins from the institutions that an individual is exposed to
during the person’s formative years (the home, school, church, etc). Planting
the right ideas in the minds of the youths would help to destroy the stereotypes
that surround the Osu. In other words, it would help them to develop friendly
attitudes towards this group. The more educated the society is, the easier and
quicker it would be to find solutions to this social cankerworm. However, the
teachers should not be left alone to perform this important task of educating
the youths.
The government (federal, state and local) should also take part in this crusade. It should create an enabling environment (good policies and implementations) which would empower the oppressed and enhance their ability to legally challenge the ancient Osu caste tradition. With appropriate legislation and good court systems, the people could seek redress in court if their rights are violated. People have the choice to cry out for solutions to the teething social problems, or remain as they have been. Life is full of making choices and differentiating among optional actions, precisely on value grounds. Thomas Aquinas succinctly states that “we see life in terms of ought and ought not” and aims to “do good and avoid evil” (Quade, April 22, 1998).
Another step to
eradicating the Osu culture in Igboland is through appropriate legislation. The
legislators are elected to make laws for the benefit of all in the society. And
the elected officials at the federal, state and local levels have important role
to play in the form of enacting appropriate and enforceable laws to protect
those facing discrimination in the society. There is a considerable difference
between a law on the book and a law in action; any law is dead if it is not
implemented.
Review of the
Nigerian political history shows that in the mid-50s, the then Eastern Nigerian
Colonial Legislative Council under the leadership of the late Owelle of Onitsha,
Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, passed a legislation that outlawed the Osu caste system. The
law made it a criminal offense to discriminate against anyone on the basis of
the Osu caste system. But the law, like other laws in
But that was in
the 1950’s. Although
i).
The society was not then very conscious of human rights issues, as the
society was still battling with colonialism and its hangovers;
ii).
The enforcers could see the law as going contrary to Igbo culture (in
some areas - as in Igboland - the culture/public pressure could be strong enough
to restrain the officials from implementing the law); and
iii).
Partly because those who are discriminated against could not complain to
the authorities; this is because, sometimes it is easier to walk away when you
are being discriminated against.
However, that
the law was unenforceable then does not mean that better legislated and
enforceable laws against the Osu system would not be effective in this 21st
century. This author would recommend that
States from the
former Eastern Region should re-visit the Osu caste law crafted in the 1950’s
and make it enforceable. Alternatively the present National Assembly should
adopt bills that would outlaw any form of discrimination in
Those who have
concluded that an enforceable legislation would not help in solving the Osu
problem should be informed that the trend toward de-segregation of schools in
the United States in the past three or four decades had required a “long array
of constitutional decisions” (Allport 1979). Therefore, legal prods are
necessary to solve the Osu caste issue in Igboland. And the time is now.
Curiously, the
mass media seems willing to overlook this difficult, but controversial Osu
issue. But for anything to be possible in this campaign against the system, the
mass media has an important and active role to play. It could do it in the form
of disseminating appropriate information to the public. The mass media should
lead the grassroots enlightenment campaign against the Osu practice in the
society and educate the people on how to obey the laws of the land. They should
educate both the victims – the ascribed Osu and the oppressor – the Diala,
of their civil and human rights and what they should do when their rights are
violated (for example, seeking legal redress).
The society,
which has long been under the claws of the military, has a long way to go in
learning how to respect the civil and human rights of the people, and to obey
the rule of law. It is the responsibility of the mass media to report cases of
human rights abuses to the appropriate quarters for necessary investigations and
prosecution. This would help to promote and protect the civil and human rights
of the citizenry.
The role of
religion in every society is paradoxical. It makes and unmakes prejudice and
discrimination. This is evident in the recent religious problems in
A truly
religious faithful is a good individual. Religious teaching can make a
difference on how to tackle the Osu system, as religion could have some
influence on people’s behavior. It can change the mentality of the people and
the way they perceive the Osu system. The question is, if individuals seek
God’s blessing in their undertaking why would they wish others evil? As noted
earlier, if you hate and discriminate against any person, you are definitely not
wishing the person well.
Thus, the good
morality of yesteryears is gradually eroding.
The love for one another should be the moral foundation on which to build
the nation. Religious organizations could affect some positive changes in the
people if they are consistent in the campaign for the re-education of the
Nigerian population. They used to be very important moral forces in human
affairs. Presently, the moral messages from religious institutions have been
less forceful than what they used to be. The churches should begin again to
teach the youths that hate and discrimination are wrong. They should condemn the
Osu caste system in Igboland without reservation.
Social contact
and dialogue, which will develop once the social re-education has been made, can
make a lot of difference. The society should work together to ensure that the
recommendations listed here are implemented. Does any person who is not a member
of the Osu group have knowledge of the pain and agony the ascribed Osu group go
through daily? Some people would admit to holding a variety of unpleasant Osu
stereotypes: that the Osu is dishonest, dirty, has body odor, lazy, aggressive,
etc. How then can one destroy these stereotypes without interacting with them?
Most of the stereotypes held by the Diala are due to loss of contact with this
rejected Osu group. For this, social contacts are good steps to erasing the ugly
stereotypes. Social programs that encourage contacts with rejected groups are
necessary to eradicate the prevailing stereotypes about them.
Contacts and
acquaintances make for friendliness. When people dismantle the social barriers
to relationship and find out that they have everything in common, discrimination
would disappear. The government (federal, state, and local) should sponsor
programs that would encourage interaction and understanding among groups.
Communication could help to break up barriers with groups that are quarantined
and socially imprisoned. Dialogue between the Diala and those wrongly branded
Osu (second class citizens or sub-human beings) could help in understanding one
another better. Kweisi Mfume pointed out in an interview with Claudia Dreifus
(Mar-Apr, 2000), that, when you understand more, you are more sensitive; when
you are more sensitive, you are more compassionate. When you are more
compassionate, you are more prepared to see the other side of the issue
(pp.51-63). Obviously, people cannot understand each other unless they interact
with one another amicably.
Those who have
problems respecting the civil and human rights of their fellow human beings
should consider seeking some individual therapy. Individual therapy is said to
be foreign in Africa, apparently because Africans do not want strangers to know
their personal problems. The government should set up counseling centers where
those who could not afford private therapy should go for some mental
re-adjustment and get some education on the importance of respecting other
people’s human and civil rights. They should be informed that the Osu caste
system is a form of discrimination. The counseling centers could be operated by
religious organizations.
The preaching
and counseling in the centers could help to change the mentality and attitude of
the ignorant and illiterate population who are propagating the Osu caste system.
This idea may look impracticable from the surface. But a closer look would show
that the minds of the die-hards and those who are sitting on the fence could be
altered through education and therapy, before they could appreciate the havoc
their negative belief and the caste discrimination has caused those who are
subjected to it.
The Nigerian
judicial system, like every other system in parts of the society, is known to be
corrupt. Consequently, corruption, crime, and human and civil rights violations
continue with impunity. Government often appoints supposedly high-powered
judicial commissions to probe notorious cases of public corruption or
misconduct, but reports of such investigations will either not be made public,
or a watered-down version of the report would be released “in the form of a
government white paper” (Osoba 1996). Thus, many advertised steps for
combating corruption in Nigeria are deceptive and symbolic.
The legal
institutions should be restructured and equipped to handle corruption and
discrimination cases, particularly those that involve the Osu caste issue. Above
all, only people of probity should be allowed on the bench to enforce the laws
of the land. No law in the book is useful if it is not implemented.
In conclusion,
the golden rule should be, do unto others as you would have them do unto you.
The ancient, dehumanizing, anti-social, anti-democracy and superstitious Osu
caste system in Igbo society should be discarded. And every God-fearing
individual should join hands in this campaign. As Prof. Wole Soyinka rightly
noted in The Man Died (1972), “the man dies in all who keep silent in the face
of tyranny.”
2.
An oral history of how the Osu came to be in a community in Igboland, as was
narrated by one of the persons interviewed by the author for this book.
3.
Uzoma Onyemaechi; “Igbo Culture
and Socialization,”collated essay (not dated); The University Of Michigan, Ann
Arbor.
4.
Nwosu, Okenwa R.; “Osu Caste
System: A Cultural Albatross for the Igbo Society” Online publication:
www.nigeriaworld.com (June 19, 1999). This article was a response to an article
by this author published Online: “The Caste system in Nigeria,
Democratization, and Culture: Sociopolitical and Civil Rights Implications;”
www.afbis.com/analysis/caste.htm (June 13, 1999). In this article, Dr. Nwosu
gave a brief description of how the caste system came to be in the Igboland.
Information on the religious aspect of the caste appeared in his unpublished
manuscript, “Religious Underpinning of the Osu Caste System” he made
available to this author in July 2002. This author is very appreciative of this
information.
5.
See Victor Dike on “The Caste
System in Nigeria, Democratization and Culture: Socio-political and Civil Rights
Implications;” Online publication: www.afbis.com, June 13, 1999. The term,
Osuism, is a belief (like racism) that a group’s social position is the main
determinant of how other groups in the society associates with the group. The
term is modeled from ‘racism’ and ‘sexism’ (terms that concern race and
gender), refer to discrimination based on what we take to be physical
differences of one kind or another.
6.
See Nwosu above. Also see his unpublished manuscript on the religious aspect of
the caste system: “Religious Underpinning of the Osu Caste System.” He made
the information available to this author in July 2002. (This author is very
appreciative of the information).
7.
See Dike 1999; and Nwosu 1999 above.
8.
See Dike 1999; and Nwosu 1999 above.
9.
The Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (1948); the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
(1966), and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Racial Discrimination (1965), are among the many treaties. See the Encyclopedia
American; International Edition (Grolier), Vol. 14, 1999, pp. 552d-552h. United
Nations (1988): Action in the Field of Human Rights.
10.
Ashwini Deshpande; “Does Caste
still define disparity? A look at inequality in Kerala, India; (not dated).
Deshpande is an Economist at the New Delhi School of Economics. I am grateful to
her for sending me a copy of this article at my request.
She presented this paper at the American Economic Association (AEA) while
doing a postdoctoral work at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
The paper deals with the social and economic effects of the caste system in
Kerala, India. The paper concludes that nearly fifty years after Indian
Independence in 1947, the calculations with NSS data for 1993-94 shows that even
in relatively egalitarian state like Kerala, inter caste disparity continues to
underlie overall disparity.
11.
See Tobs Agbaegbu’s report on
NewsWatch, January 12, 2000. The people of Umuode in Nkanu East local government
area of Enugu State have suffered in the hands of the people of Umuchiani and
Onuogowu (Umuode, Umuchiani and Onuogowu make up the Oruku town). They are
regarded as the descendant of Osu, and therefore are being treated as
second-class citizens. It is even difficult for the people of Umuode to be
appointed into positions of responsibility in their local churches, and they do
not inter-marry with the other two villages. The people of Umuode also operate
their own local market different from the Eke-Oruku market, which is owned
exclusively by Umuchiani and Onuogowu. To see how serious this issue is, any
person from Umuchiani and Onuogowu who talks to or greets any person from Umuode
pays a fine sometimes as high as N1000 (one Thousand Naira)
Achebe,
Chinua; Things Fall Apart;
Anchor Books, Doubleday, New York, London; 1959, p.19; p.155. Also see the
Glossary of Things Fall Apart, 1959
Adkins,
Lesley, & Roy A. Adkins;
Handbook to Life in Ancient Rome; Oxford University Press, N.Y, Oxford, 1994,
pp.341-342.
Agbaegbu,
Tobs; “Moves to Stop
Slavery in Igboland;” NewsWatch Online, 12 January 2000. Also see Tobs
Agbaegbu, “Slavery in Igboland;” NewWatch
Online, 12 January 2000
Allport,
Gordon W. The Nature of
Prejudice; 25th Anniversary edition, Addison-Wesley Publication Company; 1979,
p.3; pp.6-7; p.9; p.142; p.237; p.288; p.321.
Azikiwe,
Nnamdi. “Essentials for
Nigerian Survival.” Foreign Affairs - An American Quarterly Rev; April 1965,
vol. 43, No. 3, p.455
Bettelheim,
Bruno, and M. B. Janowitz;
Social Change and Prejudice; New York: Free Press, 1964
Bradford,
Gigi; Michael Gary, & Glen Wallach;
The Politics of Culture; The New Press, N.Y.; 2000 eds., P.11.
CNN.Com/World:
Milosevic move prompts aid pledges, [June 29, 2001]
CNN.Com/World:
S. Africa trying to revive UN racism meeting. [Durban, South Africa, Sept. 3,
2001]
Cose,
Ellis; “Forgive and
Forge;” Newsweek April 21, 1997, p.45
Dike,
Victor E.; “The Caste
System in Nigeria, Democratization and Culture: Socio-political and Civil Rights
Implications;” Online publication: www.afbis.com, June 13, 1999.
Dike,
Victor E.; The Osu Caste
System in Igboland: A Challenge for Nigerian Democracy [Kearney, NE: Morris
Publishing, March 2002]
Ezeala,
Jude & The Association for Social Justice;
See Agbaegbu’s report “Moves to Stop Slavery in Igboland;” NewsWatch
Online, 12 January 2000; and NewsWatch Online, “Slavery in Igboland,” Tobs
Agbaegbu, 12 January 2000.
Harrison,
Lawrence E. and Samuel P. Huntington
(editors); Culture Matters – How Values Shapes Human Progress; Basic Books,
New York, 2000
Isichei,
Elizabeth;
A History of the Igbo People; Macmillan, London, England, 1976.
Isichei,
Elizabeth.; Igbo Worlds:
An Anthology of Oral Histories and Historical Descriptions. Macmillan, London,
England, 1977.
Jesudasam,
Ignatius; A Gandhi
Theology of Liberation; Orbis Books, New York, 1984
Kluckhohn,
Clyde; Culture and
Behavior; New York: Free Press, 1962, p.52
Kupoluyi.
See the article on how the Osu culture prevented a young man from dating a lady
who caught his attention in a town in Imo State, Nigeria. Punch, January 10,
1996
Lipset,
Seymour and Earl Raab; The
Politics of Unreason; The University of Chicago Press, 1970, p. 5.
Lohman,
J. D. “Segregation in
the Nation’s Capital.” Chicago: National Committee on Segregation in the
Nation’s Capital, 1949.
Madden,
John.; Slavery in the
Roman Empire – Numbers and Origins; Classics Ireland vol. 3, University
College Dublin, Ireland, 1996.
Malala,
Justice; South Africa:
Racism Runs Deep. Online: South African Sunday Times. Wednesday, 30 August, 2000
Mayer,
Phillips; Socialization:
The Approach from Social Anthropology; London: Tavistock, 1970.
McLean,
A. and Marshall J.;
“Cultures at Work;” Local Government Training Board, 1988.
Mfume,
Kweisi. He noted in an
interview with Claudia Dreifus that one of the ways to resolve misunderstanding
is through honest dialogue. Kweisi Mfume is the current president of the NAACP,
cited in the Modern Maturity Magazine, March – April, 2000, pp. 51-63.
Murthy,
J. S. “Restorative
Justice and India’s Caste System.” The New World Outlook: The Mission
Magazine of the United Methodist Church. July
– August 1999
Njoku,
John E. Eberegbulam.; The
Igbos of Nigeria: Ancient Rites, Changes and Survival; The Edwin Mellen Press,
New York, N.Y 1990.
Nwosu,
Okenwa R.; “Osu Caste
System: A Cultural Albatross for the Igbo Society” Online publication:
www.nigeriaworld.com (June 19, 1999). This article was a response to an article
by this author published Online: “The Caste system in Nigeria,
Democratization, and Culture: Sociopolitical and Civil Rights Implications;”
www.afbis.com/analysis/caste.htm (June 13, 1999). In this article, Dr. Nwosu
gave a brief description of how the caste system came to be in the Igboland.
Osoba,
S.O. Corruption in
Nigeria: Historical Perspectives. Review of African Political Economy (ROAPE/No.
69, 1996; pp.372-386.
Premdas,
Ralph P. “The Ethnic
Conflict and Development: The Case of Guyana.” In UNRISD: Social and
Development News, No. 13, Autumn/Winter 1995.
Quade,
Quentin L. “Ethics in a
Pluralistic Society: the Need for School Choice.”
In Virgil C. Blum Center for Parental Freedom in Education, April 22,
1998.
Robinson,
Randall.; The Debt: What
America Owes To Blacks. A Plume Book, 2000
Sarchet-Waller,
Dodie V. ”The Caste
System: From the Beginning until Now.” The New World Outlook: The Mission
Magazine of the United Methodist Church, Nov. 19 1996.
Shaw,
Theodora M.“The Debate
Over Race Needs Minority Students’ Voices;” The Chronicle of Higher
Education, Feb. 25, 2000, A72
Shirer,
William L; The Rise and
fall of the Third Reich: A history of Nazi Germany; 30th anniv. ed; 1960
Shives, Louise Rebecca; Basic Concepts of Psychiatric-Mental Health Nursing (Third Edition), J. B. Lippincott Company, 1994, p.3
Smelser,
Neil J. Sociology;
Prentice-Hall, Inc.; 1981, p.175
Smith,
T.V., and Lindeman, Edward C;
The Democratic Way of Life. Mentor, N.Y, 1985, p.91.
Sullivan,
Tim (AP); “Cycle of
attack and revenge.” Re-printed in the Boston Globe. March 8, 2000
Talbot,
P.A.; The peoples of
Southern Nigeria; Vol. II, London 1969, p.14
The
Economist; The banks are
more reluctant to lend money to blacks than to whites in the United States;
(July 10th 1993).
The
Webster’s; New Collegiate Dictionary;
1980, p.274
The
United Nations; United
Nations Action in the Field of Human Rights, 1988.
The
Punch; (a Nigerian
Newspaper) - January 10, 1996.
The
Encyclopedia Americana- International
Ed; Grolier, vol.6, 1999; pp.768-776; Vol.14; 1999, pp.552c-552h
The
Encyclopedia American International Edition;
Grolier, Vol. 14, 1999, p.552d; pp.552d-552h.
The
National Archive, Enugu:
The Law promulgated to outlaw the Osu caste system by the then Eastern Regional
Government of Nigeria in 1956 – the “Abolition of the Osu System” defines
Osu as including Oru, Ohu Ume or Omoni, as applied or used in many parts of the
Igboland. (See Tobs Agbaegbu “Moves to Stop Slavery in Igboland” in
NewsWatch, Volume 31, Number 1, January 12, 2000).
Time
Magazine (USA), The
section writes on how terrorist groups in the Middle East are wrecking havoc in
Israel. They are out to destroy the State of Israel with the help of their
allies; Feb. 28, 2000; p.22.
Uchendu,
Victor C; The Igbo of
Southeast Nigeria; Chicago: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965.
Young,
K; An Introductory
Sociology; New York, American Book, 1934, 424ff
Note:
I must first
thank my lovely wife, Chizor P. Dike,
for her continued support. She was in-charge of the family needs while I was
locked away in our study battling with the plethora of bits and pieces that form
this paper. I must also say thank you to Dr.
Okenwa R. Nwosu, who provided me with invaluable information that assisted
in making this project possible. Finally, I must thank Peter
Prove (Office for International Affairs and Human Rights, The Lutheran World
Federation), for giving me the opportunity to participate in the United Nations
Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) conference in
Geneva, Switzerland, August 8-9 2002.
**Victor
E. Dike, who is the author
of The Osu Caste System In Igboland: A
Challenge for Nigerian Democracy lives in Sacramento, California. The book
is available at http://www.amazon.com/.
Please email your comments on this paper to: vdike@cwnet.com