KWENU! Our culture, our future

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THE STATE OF THE NATION AND THE STRUGGLE TO CROSS A PERILOUS THRESHOLD

His Excellency C. O. Akpamgbo (SAN)

Former Attorney General of Nigeria and Minister for Justice

(Being Paper Delivered at the Year 2002 GAMJI NATIONAL CONFERENCE on 12/6/2002 at AREWA HOUSE, KADUNA)

PREFACE:

My thanks first and foremost go to the organisers of this Conference (the GAMJI FORUM) for finding me worthy to be part of this gathering. I am equally humbled by the request to deliver a paper in such great a national forum. The theme of the Conference is absolutely germane; and there could not he a more propitious time than now to focus attention on the state of the nation.

I have deliberately chosen the topic entitled "The State of the Nation And the Struggle to cross a Perilous Threshold," for discussion here. Evidently the nation k presently at a perilous threshold and our contemporary experience shows that the permutations of our national consciousness have degenerated to base levels. The old glory of the nation is fast fading under our own eyes. The paper therefore seeks to identify the problems in outline and as a patriot seek an invigorating process of actualisation and or restoration of the nation's fast-fading honour and respect.

INTRODUCTION:

The entire history of mankind has always been a struggle for the improvement of his environment. Evidently, struggles are always predicated on the quest for the enthronement of good society and equality. Such struggles have always been premised on class cleavages, ethnic heterogeneity, logistic differences, cultural diversity, religious varicatiousity and to a large extent dissimilarities in histories. The struggle for a good and ordered society led the French people in 1789 to pull down the French Monarchy which at that time had brought the people to socio-economic prostrate point. Similarly in 1778, the people of America declared in Philadelphia that:

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"any government as a humane institution will have its shortcomings, but the degree of failure or success of that government depends largely on its programmes, values and priorities; and if and when such government becomes an impediment to the general good of the people, the government should be deemed to have lost the people's consent."

It is a kind of social contract in which the people are content to yield power to the state/government with the corresponding obligation upon the state/government to use the power responsibly for the good and welfare of the people.

History, no doubt, has a way of sustaining the struggle for the inauguration of a good and equitable society by providing every age with men of history and destiny; men of vision and mission who are commandeered by history to inject new verve into exhausted possibilities. This category of leaders are altruistic. They are also patriotic, insisting on the best for their people and demanding the best from their people. Such leaders go out of their way to set the pace and champion the dawn of a new era. They set the pace and they are unremitting. They lead by personal examples. They are proud, crude, abrasive and intemperate. I must state at the outset that God Almighty expects rulers to be humble, respectful and responsive to the needs of their people.

The last three years saw Nigeria happily into her fourth republic democratic constitutionalism or fourth republic democratic experiment. At the ceremony on the 29th day of May, 1999, President Obasanjo raised the hopes of all Nigerians when he lamented the moral malaise that has made Nigeria a laughing stock in the international community. He also spoke of the situation hitherto "where official pronouncements are repeatedly made and not matched by action, government forfeits the confidence of the people and trust.” He asserted confidently that nobody will be allowed to get away with the breach of the law or the perpetration of corruption and evil. He promised to rekindle confidence amongst our people; confidence that their conditions will rapidly improve and that Nigeria will be great and major world player in the near future. As the ceremony at the Eagle Square ended on that fateful 29th day of May 1999, Nigerians happily positioned themselves in great expectation of state-backed prosperity and welfare packages.

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But ever since May 1999, has the skies brightened or darkened? Has there been any consummation of or fidelity to these promises and expectation of the Nigeria people? The answers to these questions are clearly determinate of the state of the nation. And they bear positively or negatively upon the legitimacy of any "continuity theory," being bandied essentially by government praise-singers.

In the past three years, can we confidently assert that the nation is free from mis-governance, squandermania and reckless misapplication of the national resources that would in turn affect social services and already traumatised economy? Obviously any discussion of the state of the nation must proceed against the background of her social, political and economic states and standing. It is to these that we must now turn, to discharge the burden of this paper.

1. SOCIAL STANDING AND SUPPORT SYSTEMS

Each of the more than 250 social formations or ethnic nationalities making up Nigeria has abiding norms and restraining values that have been regarded as sacrosanct and were sufficient to hold them together. There were the highly respected traditional institutions; the age-grade fora and a general we-feeling which made the concern and problem of one, the concern and problem of all in the community. Marriage, age and integrity were honoured and respected. Unexplained or unexplainable wealth were deprecated and avoided. People were trained and brought up in the fear of which ever God they worshipped.

These general cherished societal values and institutions have been completely destroyed. For example hard work and decent living have been replaced with laziness and base societal cleavages. The incentive to education, training and specialisation have been destroyed by the common place untutored or uneducated mandarin millionaires that have emerged and seem to have overtaken every nook and corner of the country.

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Corruption of public or government officers, notwithstanding all the pontification of war against corruption, is now acute. In fact venality pervade through the general fabric of our political and bureaucratic scene. The corollary component is the huge debt of arrears of salaries that had not been paid to civil servants, teachers and millions of elderly pensioners.

Almost everywhere in our urban, pan-urban cities and villages, the New York type Harlem have emerged where hundreds of thousands of our university graduates, without jobs and any hope of one bemoan their fate over drug, armed robbery, prostitution and other avoidable social vices. Thousands of these brilliant youths throng the major cities on a daily basis in search of jobs, and wealth. But they end up getting misery and poverty. Even in the urban and pan-urban areas, they find residence with their school mates, uncles, friends or parents who live in accommodations where NEPA is truly known as Never Expect Power supply; where there are no toilet facilities; where the taps when turned on never produces water; and where there are 110 meaningful health facilities.

On our streets these helpless youths are confronted by the security agents who whip hell out of them as if the youths reminded them of the months of their unpaid salaries.

In the midst of these anomalies, public funds are confidently looked at as a windfall slated for buffet by public office holders. Democracy ought to have produced some restraining values to curb these desire to seize as much of the booty as possible in the shortest possible time. But we find none. Obviously the approach is that of diggers in a gold mine. And as there [are] no effective institutional strategies to bring this under control or check, venality rules the destiny of the nation at the moment. Every body is in a hurry to get rich. And nobody thinks it necessary to serve long apprenticeship or tutelage as every body wants to begin from the top. Furthermore, North, East and West musicians remind us in their sweet music that it is a curse to be poor even though honest and noble. With their music they edify criminals in wealth and remind the poor that their pilgrim journey on this earth is a colossal waste. In fact, our social values and norms are imperilled.

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But truth to tell; I am not saying that the entire cause must be located alone in the federal or state governments; and I am not also saying that they must bear the blame entirely or that the evil seed was sown by them. But the facts remain obvious that the situation had convulsed and degenerated within the past three years in Nigeria. The level of social tension and disharmony; the level of inter and intra ethnic conflicts arid conflagration; the level of poverty and hopelessness in society; the level insecurity and wanton destruction of lives and property by hired assassins, ethnic militia groups and hungry unemployed youths; the level of apathy to life and future of this country have all now peaked to unprecedented levels since the independence of this country. The recent murder of Chief Bola Ige (the former Attorney General of Nigeria) marks or characterises the general insecurity and hopelessness in Nigeria.

These problems must be squarely addressed. No government can wish them away. We must all set about finding the ways arid means of coming out of this avoidable darkness and implacable flood in order to save the Nigerian project.

Unarguably, social tragedies in themselves do not constitute collective immolation or annihilation of societal dreams. They merely indicate a rupture on the social plane; a rupture that both affirms and negates the essence of social growth and corporate renewal. Through them, future generations are forewarned and forearmed about the omissions of their forebears or predecessors. Social tragedies like tragical works of art are a celebration of consciousness over ignorance; knowledge over ignorance and superstition; and life over death. But it is only when these social tragedies occur with repetitive regularity or remain, say perpetually with us, bearing the same essence and attribute that they constitute the source of our contemporary dilemma and a significant ingredient of our problem and concern for the future.

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It would no doubt be wrong to presume that the current social crisis in Nigeria is an isolated phenomenon, unaffected by the objective currents of Nigeria history and economy. In fact the social trauma of today must be located within the bowels of contemporary Nigerian history and political economy. National or Federal Government from 1999 merely romanced the problems, adopting no objective and determinative approach to the solution or the problems. Thus government handling of the problems, to say the least, has been uninformed and confused.

With no apparent worldview on the solution of the problem, national government retreated to collective enfoolment and uncoordinated rhetoric. President Olusegun Obasanjo had at the Eagle Square in May 1999 spoken about his confidence that the conditions of Nigerians would rapidly improve and that Nigeria would be great. But less than six months after this executive speech was rendered, The Egbesu Boys; The Bakassi Boys; The Odua Peoples Congress (OPC) and the Arewa People's Congress (APC) have all crystallized and entrenched themselves as direct products, reactions and or expressions of a socially prostrate nation and her completely sterilized government.

Furthermore, and, very importantly, pre-colonial African society was generally marked by the use of extended family system as a welfare mechanism. The view of society as a collective enterprise and the socialisation of land and other means of production were established and prevailing. But sadly the present prevailing socio-economic adversity has rendered the African we-feeling otiose; if not extinct.

(a) The University System

We cannot examine the nation's social standing and her support system without a discussion, even if in outline of our university system.

The university worldwide is regarded as the citadel of knowledge; the fountain and foundation of intellectualism; the most appropriate ground for the intellectual incubation of our leaders of tomorrow, and the greatest [6] apparatus of socio-economic development in any country. This explains why merit remains the watchword in the university system. A system where a student must be certified competent in character and learning before being admitted into the Honours Degree Hall.

In fact, when any society embarks upon the path of a university education, it is indicative of the society's vision and mission to generate and regenerate qualified man power to continue with the process of societal engineering and development. A deviation from this noble course spells doom for any society and signifies a progressive but painful denigration of a people's dream.

Evidently such denigration results from the usurpation of the functions of the university by wheeler - dealers on the corridors of power. At such times the university becomes an aberration of its very essence. And the intellectual, economic, social and spiritual empowerment of society becomes irredeemably imperilled.

The foregoing is indeed the lot of Nigerian universities today. The decay that has visited our universities over these years is nauseating. Because of the regular closure of our universities, courses which could be completed in 4 years now take upwards of 8 to 10 years. Every expressible sentiment by concerned patriots who wish for a solid university system boils down to one conclusion. 11 is that our universities are being suffocated in the strangling in ire of corruption, students' unrest, cultism, admission rackets, certificate rackets, mind boggling financial recklessness, under funding by government, erosion of university autonomy; academic examination malpractice, nonpayment of staff salaries for months, brain drain, general insecurity of tenure and dilapidated structures or facilities and demoralised staff.

These, of course, are not pestilences inflicted upon our university system, by some mysterious elements. Together these problems constitute a genre whose mundane origin is traceable to our structural deformities as a country. Once more I admit that the problems predated the fourth republic and or the present federal government. But again, we cannot place a finger [8] on any adaptive state policy to reverse the ugly trend. It implies that we are still incapable of cultivating higher values; of demonstrating perceptive and analytical powers; of manifesting scientific and technological creativity and establishing a humane and democratised socio-political culture.

Once the university system is destroyed, we shall he prepared for a system which requires that we should be dumb, docile, parasitic, self destructive and willing to be exploited.

A cursory survey of the stakeholders in the education industry easily leads to the conclusion that we have become so disillusioned with our university system to the point of bemoaning the eclipse of the Golden-Age, namely, the era of colonial administration in Nigeria. The gloomy situation has led our university dons to unprecedented economic-exiles.

Government should not frown at university critics and their criticisms. They are not anarchists, nihilists or vulgar Marxists intent on destroying the system. They should rather be cultivated. And ignoring them over the years have produced hallucinatory educational policies, unrest, brain drain, imposition of university administrators and lack of technological and economic advancement.

Incessant students' unrest in our time has become the most maligned quality of out- educational system, especially at the tertiary level. At the primary ad secondary school levels teachers have in many states, had to contend with many months of non-payment of salaries and allowances. When the multiplier effect of this situation is projected, the incalculable harm to society and the educational system becomes evident.

Patriotism, no doubt, is loyalty and expression of love for one's country, but it is not an excuse to deny oneself an opportunity for self-fulfillment. Hence, a nation that invests so much in the development of her human resources is obliged to create avenues for the utilisation of those resources. If a nation cannot meet this basic obligation, her citizens may feel inclined to go to other countries in search of self-fulfillment. The irony is that the nationsuffers crushing depletion in her human resource potentials.

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Because of our attitude to paper qualifications, we admit students in our universities in excess of existing facilities and there is also the added problem of lack of monitoring. A situation where a lecturer serves as academic adviser to over two hundred students or is made to supervise over fifty projects of the students does not augur well for our university education. Furthermore, a situation where the criteria for passing a course are the purchase of the lecturer's book or handout and payment of cash would also be damaging to the system.

Because of the massive admission of students into institutions of higher learning without proper monitoring, students have liberty to form themselves nib gangs, mobs and cults and consequently unleash mayhem on our campuses. This untoward scenario is fast incarnating at the secondary school level.

However the menace of cultism in our universities is so frightening and clearly represents the externalisation of the ignoble instances and defaults of the Nigerian system. All these things incapacitate the entire university system to the point of inertia, so much so that its role as a vehicle for social and economic empowerment is miserably vitiated. That is where we are today in Nigeria.

If the university must fulfill its noble task of being the vehicle of sociopolitical and economic empowerment, the government and stakeholders in the industry must change their attitude towards university education in Nigeria. The National Universities Commission should be reorganised to guarantee autonomy to the universities. Its present existence and status undermine the relative autonomy of our universities; duplicates the responsibilities of state and federal ministries of education; and creates opportunities for educational politicking and the manipulation of ethnic and political sentiments and loyalties. At the same time the autonomy of the universities should be restored unconditionally.

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Finally, the government should committedly adequately fund education, particularly, the tertiary institutions. It should also encourage research and initiative among the university eggheads and play less politics with education.

(b) The Judiciary

The judiciary is another social-institution that deserves some attention in this presentation. There are three arms of government, namely, the executive, the legislative and the judiciary. Under section 4 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, the legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria was vested in the National Assembly of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, consisting of the Senate and the Hlouse of Representatives. Section 5 vests executive powers of the Federation in the President of Nigeria. And Section 6 vests judicial powers of the Federation in the Courts named under it.

These are:

(a) The Supreme Court

(b) The Court of Appeal

d) The High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja.

(e) The High Court of a State

(f) The Sharia Court of Appeal of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja

(g) The Sharia Court of Appeal of a State

(h) The Customary Court of Appeal of the Federal Capital Territory

(i) The Customary Court of Appeal of a State

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(j) Such other courts as may be authorised by law to exercise jurisdiction at first instance or on appeal on matters with respect to which the National Assembly may make laws; and

(k) Such other courts as may be authorised by law to exercise jurisdiction at first instance or on appeal on matters with respect to which a House of Assembly may make laws.

The above Courts encapsulates what in strict law, may be regarded as the Nigerian Judiciary. There is no doubt that the judicial powers, conferred on the Nigerian Judiciary under the 1999 Constitution are plenipotentiary. They include but does not exhaust following:

(a) To hear and determine all dispute involving citizens inter-se.

(b) To hear and determine all disputes involving citizens and non-citizens within jurisdiction.

(d) To hear and determine all disputes involving agencies of government inter-se, be they federal or state.

(e) To hear and determine all disputes involving one state and another or one state or some states against the federal government.

In a democratic constitutionalism, the judicial powers of the courts in hearing and determining sundry disputes through orders and judgments carry quite a lot of force. In this respect the judiciary plays an indispensable and critical role in ensuring the actualisation of the rule of law, principles and structure, of democracy; and ensuring that the actions of government are in accordance with the provisions of the law and the constitution. The powers are really plenipotentiary. Peace, order and the Nigerian society require that [12] judgments of our courts must be obeyed and respected. The alternative would result to war of all against all. Anarchy, so to say.

We must appreciate that the rule of law over which the judiciary holds the aces in the polity embraces:

(1) The sense of worth of the individual;

(2) The dignity of men;

(3) Essential human rights;

(4) A belief that the power of government must be contained within limits.

(5) A sense of law as a pervasive entity with a meaning and validity of its own apart from its relation to the organisation of the state, upon which a man may depend to govern his relations with other men and with the state.

(6) A set of arrangement or process or institutions such as the courts which make these elements effective in the ordinary process of daily life.

Within the above concepts, stress must be laid upon the need to keep open the effective possibility of change to reflect general shift in outlook or values; and upon the need for a widespread diffusion of power throughout the society, with a correlative prevention of concentration of power in one hand.

The rule of law, no doubt derives from, responds to and absolutely, influences societal relations. It is submitted that, it is not an over statement to say that the Judiciary is the greatest facilitator of the rule of law in society. We say- so because, when nerves are frayed, when the citizens conic to blows with government or inter se, or when marital ties have broken down irretrievably, and so on, the judiciary presents a comforting shoulder to cry [13] upon. It is so, because, society reposes confidence in the judiciary and does so to the extent of its belief and assurances that grievances presented to the judiciary for adjudication must be settled without fear or favour and upon settled principles, authority and due process. Judicial process must be firm and predictable. The judiciary must not only be independent it must be seen by all as independent, not an outpost of the executive. In other words, the confidence of the society is paramount for the sustenance of and respect for the judiciary.

The question now is, how has judiciary faired since the inception of the fourth republic? Has its independence been truly asserted? The National Judicial Council which oversees the affairs of the Judiciary in Nigeria, still goes to the executive cap in hand to beg for its funds. The legislature and the executive appear jittery at granting the Judiciary its constitutionally guaranteed financial autonomy. For the past three years the salaries and allowances of judicial officers are a subject of half-hearted debate at the National Assembly. This is in contrast with the speed with which the salaries of members of the executive and legislature was settled.

Again whilst a Director in the Federal Ministry enjoys a computerized office and fleet of official cars, .Justices of the Court of Appeal and below are scarcely entitled to one good one.

More fundamental is the fact that government, in the appointment and removal of Judges, still play paramount roles. Where therefore lies the independence of the judiciary three years into our fourth republic?

However, in spite of these apparent shortcomings, the Judiciary in the Fourth Republic has discharged its functions in a very commendable manner. It remains too clearly to be seen how they would carry on in the months ahead.

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THE ECONOMY

The state of the nation's economy is of grave concern to all patriotic souls in Nigeria. The country is virtually marginalised in the globalised world economy. The 1997 Budget declared that the economy was characterised by import dependence on a single economic sector, namely, oil; a weak private sector and dependence on foreign loans. In 2002 and three years in the fourth republic, the gloomy climate is still the same. The economy is still mono-cultural depending on crude oil. It is essentially import dependent and lacking in diversification. And the manufacturing sector is very weak. The value of the naira has fallen drastically from N82 per US dollar in 1998 to N140 per dollar in 2002. The unemployment level, waste and corruption had peaked.

All these imply that Nigeria needs a radical and fundamental economic revival, failing which integration to the world economy becomes more difficult and distant.

It would be recognised that the problem confronting the nation is much more than introducing economic policies. The economic environment must be immediately conducive. With the rising tension and discontent in our environmentally ravaged Niger-Delta; with the rising wave in violent homicidal crimes and incidents of hired assassin; with the growing discontent among the youths reinforced by violent ethnic militia groups, Nigeria scarcely presents an attractive investment climate.

Further, domestically, all-important economic agents must be carried along by the government. The days of economic policy dictation are over. It failed in Eastern and Central Europe as well as in the former Soviet Union. The private sector operators, the intelligentsia, the trade Union and the umbrella business organisations must be along by the government, not only in policy design but in its implementation. It is a mistake for the public sector to see itself as the only patriotic or knowledgeable section of the country.

A government that is determined to pull Nigeria out of economic marginalization will have to do some thing radical and urgent about sanitizing [15] the nation. It is hard to know where to begin since the problems are overwhelming. But the government must begin from its sector by displaying integrity, accountability and transparency.

PRIVATISATION EXERCISE

The present Federal Government has made privatisation the cornerstone of its strategy for economic growth, improved public services, job creation, and expanded private and foreign investments. The Public Enterprises (Privatisation and Commercialisation) Act 1999 has empowered the National Council on Privatisation (NCP) to approve policies and the legal and rcgu1atory framework for the privatisation or commercialisation of public enterprises. The Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) is the secretariat of theNCP and is responsible for the implementation of the Council's policies on privatsation and commercialisation. Already the Federal Government has scheduled certain very important public utilities such as NITEL and subsidiaries of NNPC in the downstream industry for privatisation. These subsidiaries include four refineries; the Petroleum Products Marketing Company Limited (PPIAC); the Eleme Petrochemical Company Ltd; and the Nigerian Gas Company (NGC).

The question whether privatisation is appropriate at this stage of our social and economic development is a matter on which opinions are many. But they are sharply divided. However credible opinion does not seem to be divided upon the fact that the privatisation exercise is lacking in adequate public participation and transparency. There are serious allegations of insider dealings and participation. These are clearly capable of making the entire exercise void.

The rise in ethnic chauvinism since the coming into power of this P.D.P. Government is a direct fall out from politics of exclusion and rejection. Tribalism feeds on reprobate policy of my friends and cronies first and all others can follow if they can find the way. It is best epitomised in the style of Aso Rock as glaringly shown in its PRIVATISATION POLICY especially in the case of NITEL.

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The jiggery-pokery of TRANSPARENCY in government is seen in its nakedness in an article in the Vanguard Newspaper of 27th March, 2002 entitled NITEL: ANATOMY OF A FRAUDULENT SALE. This indictment of the Bureau of Public Enterprises contained in the said article has not been answered by Aso Rock or the B.P.E. itself.

There is the allegation that PRIVATISATION OF NITEL and other utilities is being rushed to completion before the 2003 elections. The valuation of the property of NITEL is said to be put at only N25 billion in a Kangaroo valuation. The B.P.E. has no answer to this dubious valuation and rush to sell NITEL to some favoured cronies of the PRESIDENCY. To quote the Vanguard article in question:-

"... :that answer seems to lie in a dubious hurry to privatize NITEL since the world is coining to an end. So, the B. P. E. adjusted the timetable to suit a very hurried sale. What to do? In February 2001, a September 2001 deadline was issued for conclusion of the sale of NITEL at all cost. It was barely a six months preparation but it was deliberate. The timetable was adjusted to finalize NITEL sale before the 2003 elections. Its adviser, Prince Water House Coopers, expressed worry over the rush. Then Minister of Communications Aihaji Mohammed Arzika opposed the rush. He was shoved for a former Comptroller-General of Customs Dr. Haliru Bello, who as Minister of Communications told Nigerians last week that the privatisation of NITEL is no longer bound by any rules but how it pleases government officials."

The government is pretending to be worried about low rate of interest in rushing to invest in our economy by foreign investors. The proposal by N.S.L. of the Netherlands to take over 51% of NITEL G.S.M. operations as a joint venture partner was "quickly rebuffed."

When B.P.E. called for expression of interest, the bidders appeared to be mainly rich Nigerians. The B.P.E. waived the requirement that a bidder must have at least one million lines else where. The deadline came and went. [17 ] President Obasanjo had to extend the deadline. On this second extension, Nigerian businessmen who never had any telecommunications management experience made the entire list.

B.P.E. on its own initiative got France Telecoms to appear on the list as interested foreign partners. It (France Telecoms) quickly hosted a press conference to dissociate itself from the "honour.” The list of 15 companies suddenly percolated to three consortia, namely, IILL, TELNET and NEWTEL.

"Investigation revealed that these three were instructed by B.P.E. to be registered offshore to give the show a semblance of International participation. Hence we have an Investors international London Limited, which could not raise money in London but from First Bank, a local bank, to pay more than 117 million United States Dollars to the B.P.E.

In actual fact, distributed among the three consortia were NITEL contractors, industrialists, politicians, traditional rulers, moneybags, Aso Rock business associates, some favoured State Government."

Before we continue with this anatomy of a fraudulent sale, I remember the old days when Onitsha market was run by a clique of touts and card-sharpers. They have "AJASCO" dancers in attendance as side attraction close to their table. They display their cards and explain the game thus:-

"I welu nke a, i lie m ego; i welu nke a, ego yi efuru."

Roughly translated:-

"If you pick this card, you chop my money; if you pick this card, your money is lost."

[18] The privatisation policy is a lot of ABRACADABRA, a magic show. Only insiders win. Aso Rock is Transparency in Government unlimited and limited.

The analyst I am quoting above concluded the essay by positing that the move by the members of the National Assembly to probe the NITEL "transparency in action" will end in smoke. This is his opinion:-

"The belated plan by the House of Representatives to begin investigations this week into what has exposed the current privatisation of NI TEL as a huge fraud planned and perpetrated from the highest level of this government, may well be a huge effort in futility ".

Government cannot use political cleavages to kill these hitherto sufficiently efficient public utilities and companies only to turn around to accuse them of sapping government funds through their uninspiring performances. Evidently the immediate implication of privatising the downstream oil and gas industry is that the Federal Government would now achieve astronomical increases in petroleum products in Nigeria. An exercise it cannot and may never achieve through the representatives of the people of Nigeria in the National Assembly. More importantly, that such a crucial economic matter as privatisation is placed under the chairmanship of the Vice President of Nigeria makes the whole exercise suspicious and politically partisan. There are legion of economic strategies of broadening the nation's revenue base without creating further hardship on the already economically prostrate Nigerians. Any government that comes into Aso Rock in 2003 owes itself and the International Community a duty to clean out the Augean stable of this Privatisation ventriloquism.

In most developed economics, food production and technology had led to unproved agriculture arid food yield through the manufacture of state-of-the-art farm implements, improved seedlings, chemicals and fertilizers. It has increased the efficiency of the preservation process and the general standard of living. But unfortunately Nigeria has not applied herself dedicatedly to [19] these things. Again because of poor storage and preservation system, the country loses about 50% of her annual food production due to spoilage. And to remedy this national defect, government and its agencies have resorted to massive importation of preserved foods from other countries and thus turning this country into a dumping ground for all manner of goods.

We have also in this paper alluded to the present unprecedented level of unemployment of our youths, especially the graduate unemployment. We can only combat this when we are able to create more jobs. And more jobs can be created through massive encouragement of indigenous technologies and establishment of more industries rather than selling off the ones we met on the scene.

Our technical colleges and universities must be sufficiently funded to enable these institutions produce talented and sufficiently knowledgeable manpower. The material resources available in this country are simply overwhelming. The present Federal Government should not create the impression that it is only interested in the benefits of the nation's resources rather than the burden of investing for the future glory of the nation.

Let me say at this point, that government must show high level of political will, direction and mission. At the moment there is gross lack of understanding on the relationship between science, engineering and technology on the one hand and socio-economic development on the other. We cannot reduce poverty, ignorance and superstition unless government invests in science and technology.

The Central Bank must now by legislation be granted full autonomy from Presidential control in a democracy.

THE POLITICAL SCENE

On May 29 1999, Nigeria returned to democratic governance after many years of military rule. In his recent lecture, Salim Ahmed Salim (former O.A.U. Secretary General) stated as follows:

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"In essence, democratic governance refers to a political and socio-economic framework in which every individual and every community becomes an equal member of society and is provided with a space of engagement in shaping the destiny of society. It incorporates relations, norms, values, procedures, institutions, duties and obligations. It is the totality that encompasses the political, social and economic domains in mutually reinforcing and symbiotic manner.

At another level, it underscores such virtues as tolerance, dialogue and understanding, social integration, gender equality respect for fundamental rights, adherence to the rule of law and the material well being of the African people".

I accept absolutely the above perspective of democratic governance, especially in so far as it emphasises dialogue, respect for fundamental rights and strict adherence to the rule of law. In Nigeria today, can we really confidently speak of respect for fundamental rights and strict adherence to the rule of law?

The political landscape today is very hazy. This arises from the problem of transiting from one civilian rule to another; coupled with the not-infrequent tendency of the incumbent to block every possibility of peaceful electoral change to reflect the general and widespread shift in outlook and demand of the electorate.

The state of the nation can only be measured by the standard of rule and misrule exhibited by a President whom we see as a person in charge. The President with malice aforethought manipulates the legislative arm of government to commit a crime over the ELECTORAL ACT 2001 and himself suggest a clever by half defence of the crime as the work of the PRINTERS DEVIL. All these misdeeds are described by Aso Rock apologists as simply mistakes associated with “learning process.” What a defence! Does it take a leader in the position of President Obasanjo up to three years to know that the Executive and Legislative arms of government ought to respect the principles [21] of separation of powers?

It is therefore important at this stage to alert the public now that the sundry contrivances associated with the present federal government are not unconnected with a deliberate tendency to perpetuate itself in office. This ignoble journey began with the doctoring or unwarranted state-backed mutilation of the Electoral Act as highlighted above. An event that ought to have prompted resignation from all those involved in the illegal and unconstitutional act. Another contrivance designed to kill healthy electoral competition is the recent state-backed guidelines issued by Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) as conditions for the registration and recognition of political parties by it. It is a state-backed design to kill the likelihood of any new political party emerging on the scene. It underscores the level of disrespect for fundamental rights of citizens. These may well be initial steps towards one party stateism and perhaps life-presidency. The plotters of this undemocratic contrivances assume that Nigerians are fools and suffer from what Dr. Aurthur Nwankwo describes as "collective amnesia."

In a recent interview, Chief Gaul Fawehinmi, S.A.N. stated the position thus:

"INEC is acting a script. It is acting a script given to it by Aso Rock because the President does not want any competition. He wants to go to the election as a consensus candidate. He does not want any political situation whereby the Nigerian people will have alternative to him. So the issue simply is that PDP has become a monster that wants to devour the democratic process of Nigeria."

Given the recent political events in this country, I have no reason to doubt or modify the above view. The scenario that is being replicated is that of the courtiers who surrounded Louis XVIII who in spite of the gory spectacle and traumatic experience of the time forgot nothing and learned nothing. The recent confusion and litigations relative to the conduct of the forthcoming local government elections are clandestinely instigated by elements in government who know that the election would expose their baselessness or lack of electoral base. Similarly as far back as June 2000, the founding fathers [22] and members BOARD OF TRUSTEES AND LEADERS OF THE PEOPLES DEMOCRATIC PARTY (P.D.P.) held a meeting at Sheraton Hotel and Towers Abuja and issued a communiqué of which the following is one.

The preamble to the seventeen point communiqué states in No. 4 thus:-

"The meeting also reviewed the performance of the P.D.P. led Executive arm of Government especially the style and performance of Mr. President, his ministers and other functionaries and their relationship with the party."

Based on the foregoing, the seventeenth item ran thus in the communiqué: -

"(xvii) We strongly appeal to Mr. President to appreciate the need for consultation, education and patience because no man can rightly claim to be all knowing. The greatest military leaders who became civilian rulers knew the need for consultation. As President, Genera Eisenhower of the United States said to his subordinates in the OVAL office: "The President does not lead by hitting people over the head. Any damn fool can do that ... Leadership is by persuasion, education and patience It is long, slow, tough work...""And for a leader to change his mind in the light of events and so timely and gracefully and without deceit is no weakness; it is strength and wisdom " (underlining mine).

I respectfully adopt the above prophetic admonition of the President by some important members of the P.D.P. Board of Trustees, in the light of the troubled state of our nation today.

Mr. President Olusegun Obasanjo leads Nigerians by hitting us over the head, with profound respect to former General, later President Eisenhower of the United States. Ask Nigerians of Odi, the Tiv people of Nassarawa and Taraba States.

[23]

Indeed, after the destruction of Odi town, the parts of the walls of building still standing have this graffiti:

"No more Egbesu"

"The Army is supreme"

"Fear the Army."

See Sunday Vanguard of 9/1/2000.

Educating the people of Odi and the Tivs follow a studied behavioural pattern by President Obasanjo. He is not an educator. He is short tempered. He is given to deceiving his friends (the Governor of Akwa ibom will tell you).

This season is the moment of truth. Every Local Government Councillor and Chairman wants a second bite at the cherry. We cannot end this discourse without comparing the tenure of late President Abacha and President Obasanjo in terms of relative security of life and property. Our brethren in the Middle Belt region are suffering from the politics of exclusion rather than inclusion in our body politic. Take the idea of sending soldiers under the Commander-in-Chief President Obasanjo on a vengeance mission to punish the TIV people who killed some soldiers who were on an illegal mission. Our people must learn to FEAR THE ARMY.

Late General Sani Abacha understood the psyche of Nigerians. He believed and used SPORTS especially football as a unifying essence. President Obasanjo wants to be different. He invented the Presidential handshake as a balm to be kept by the athletes to pay for their injuries or hospital bills. These young men and women are doing a better job selling Nigeria on the wide world than a junketing President who is paid "Beatrice -code" or whatever for running this complex country from world capitals.

[24]

THE FUTURE OF NIGERIA

I am very confident about the future of Nigeria as a nation-state. We are all gathered here today because of our collective concern for the future of this country as a strong, prosperous and indivisible entity. No individual or group of individuals should be allowed to throw the country fifty years backwards.

There is no doubt that the crisis of our modern nation-state is the crisis of identity and consciousness. The nationality question is as imperative today as it was three hundred years ago. The appeal to non-ethnic ideologies can work but only for a time. The present generation of Nigerians have come to appreciate nation building only in terms of constitutional engineering and leadership declarations.

What is needed in Nigeria today is the amelioration of decades of national alienation and exclusion in order that a new nation of equal, creative and responsible partners will emerge. A nation that would have a viable and responsive central government whose power potential and resource accumulation will not threaten the ability of the federating units to discharge their constitutional obligation. We are working for a nation in which the traditional values and functions reposed in central and state authorities will be restored, respected and honoured. What Nigeria, in fact, needs now is a federal government that is fundamentally tailored to meet the challenges and expectations of Nigerians in this 21st century.

The time has also arrived for multiple handshakes not only across River Nigeria but also across River Benue. The Igbo tribe, to which I belong, must now draw their sustainable identity and consciousness from the specificities of the Nigerian condition. I must point out immediately that recent avowal of Igbo ethnic identity is not and must not be interpreted as a disavowal of the Nigerian state. What is needed is the conditioning of that identity in a future Nigerian setting in favour of an all round group participation, sustainable economic development and social progress.

[25]

The future of this country lies squarely in a democratic possibility. A democratic possibility that does not lay traps and obstacles to free competition within the electoral process. A possibility that emphasizes and ensures sanctity, sustenance and survival of democratic institutions and processes together with respect for electoral mandates, social consciousness, and development in human capital.

Of great importance is the development in human capital to meet expanding government services; to develop new means of agricultural system; to introduce new system of land use; to develop new means of communication and to develop innovations in productivity system. Evidently trained manpower is the life wire of all developed economies.

My message is to all of us to lend a hand in building a bridge over these troubled waters called Nigeria. This is the last tango in ACF/Ndiigbo relationship and I offer a return to our old values. The values of old friendships which they say, like old wines, taste better with age. Let us not say that our leaders who have since passed on are not as wise as ourselves. Our great book the Bible instructs thus:-

"Forsake not an old friend for a new one does not compare with him.

Ecclesiastics 9:10.

I feel some nostalgia for the old times when the produce buyer in Kano will go to his next door Onye Igbo friend in the night for a loan of one hundred pounds refundable after end of season. No written agreement. No pledges. It was simply based on trust. That trust is still there. Let us rouse TRUST from slumber.

Finally, I am convinced that this democracy under President Obasanjo has failed. It lacks any basic content of confidence in the affairs of government. One of America's founding fathers, the great John Adams once wrote a friend and these are his words:

[26]

"The essence of a free Government consists in effectual control of rivalries."

President Obasanjo's idea of control of rivalries is positioning tribesmen at the commanding heights of the nation's economy while preaching transparency. The vengeance against the family of deceased and living heads of state is no comfort to anybody. While we condemn looting of State property, it must be seen that punishment is not revenge which the legal sage Francis Bacon once described as "wild Justice."

It is indeed worth our while to remember and eulogise our leaders past who held the lantern so that our generation and our children's children will find the way.

Three greatest names come to mind. They are Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Aihaji Sir Ahmadu Bello and Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Let us make to highlight the values so starkly demonstrated by late Sir Ahmadu Bello -- selfless service. I know, and I challenge anybody who knows to the contrary, that there is no row of high rise apartment buildings either in Kaduna or Lagos one can pin as property of the deceased leader.

He was loved by all. We owe his memory a return to those basics that made his reputation. He never preached transparency and accountability when he was in government. Our children should be thought in primary schools his virtue of disdain for worldly possessions.

As for our friends in Aso Rock, we commend Shakespeare's Richard II, where he said:

"TRUTH HATH A QUIET BREAST."

When you proclaim your justness so loudly, people will begin to ask questions and your trouble begins. It is submitted that there is no truth in the type of government the component parts of which is found in Aso Rock, however hard they sometimes swear. The nation does not trust them either.

[27]

In the present state of the nation a positive change is imperative before the din of truth sayers in shining armour turn all of us deaf and blind. It is only to their benefit.

Let us all return to the basic values of our old friendships in the interest of our dear country. Arewa and Ndiigbo must come together to make a change.

CONCLUDING REMARKS

We are here today because we know that the reality of tomorrow dwells with us; because as patriots we are interested in the future of the country and the legacy we are leaving behind for our children's generation.

We must therefore warn against the deliberate antics of a leadership that is pushing the country to the nadir of collective misery and uncertainty. A Journey of a thousand miles, they say, begins with a single step forward. Three years into democratic governance, all we now have are motions without movements in Nigeria.

Every segment of society and its institutions have suffered varying degrees of debilitation as a consequence of present political attributes, values, and philosophical and ideological confusion and variations.

I will be surprised if articulate Nigerians have not already read the handwriting on the wall. All hands must therefore be on deck to salvage this country.

But Nigerians must understand that the national destiny and their future must be worked out, not in the inner chambers of power intrigues and conspiratorial perfidy, but in the open and unrestricted hail of national electoral process and or dialogue. We must therefore speak out boldly that the people are hungry and unhappy; to admonish that all the state-backed contrivances to create a one-party state or truncate equal or free competition in the electoral process are offensive, invidious, and may lead Nigeria down the perilous precipice. But God forbid.

Thank you and God bless.

[28]

REFERENCES

Achebe, Chinua, Morning Yet On Creation Day. London Heinemann, 1972; and The Trouble With Nigeria, Enugu Fourth Dimension, 1983.

Chinweizu, The West And the Rest of Us. Nok Publishers New York, 1978.

Arthur, Agwuncha Nwankwo (Dr), Nigerians As Outsiders (Fourth Dimension Publishers Enugu 1996); Igbo Leadership and The Future of Nigeria (Enugu Fourth Dimension 1981);

Ngugi Wa Thiongo, Moving The Centre: Struggle For Cultural Freedoms. (London, James Currey, 1993).

Freira, Paulo, The Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Penguin, 1972.