Excerpts of the paper presented by the Imo State governor at the recent Aka Ikenga forum in Lagos

Ndiigbo 2003 and political empowerment in contemporary Nigeria

ACHIKE UDENWA
Governor of Imo State., Nigeria

Sunday 31st March, 2002

 

I EXTEND my sincere gratitude to Aka-Ikenga, a highly esteemed Pan-Igbo organisation, for affording me, this rare opportunity to stand before the podium of Igbo elite and public to deliver this timely and topical lecture, Ndiigbo 2003 and Political Empowerment in contemporary Nigeria. Aka Ikenga is fast building a reputation as the fearless conscience of Ndiigbo in the complex maze of the Nigerian federation. The contributions of this organisation in the resolution of major national issues vis-a-vis the interest of Ndigbo, will remain salutary.

It is not a surprise that you have again risen to the challenge of the hour, to discern the fate and secure the future of Ndiigbo in contemporary Nigeria. As usual, the in-keeping with your lofty antecedents, you are doing justice to this challenge. A few months ago, I was your guest at he Aka-Ikenga hot seat, a programme designed to subject Igbo political office holders to the dispassionate but rigorous scrutiny of the ever vibrant Igbo public and electorate. Such programmes should be encouraged as they help to keep us public office holders on our toes. I congratulate Aka-Ikenga for the penetrating foresight it has demonstrated towards keeping the Igbo dream aglow. I Salute you. I thank you.

Ndiigbo, 2003 and Political Empowerment in Contemporary Nigeria is an apt topic for our times. How and why did Ndiigbo come into such a sorry political past in Nigeria?

How and why did Ibos play themselves into the unenviable position of third fiddlers in the Nigerian politics? How come [the Igbo]  are begging for political relevance in a country where they have an intimidating population, spread across the length and breath of the republic? These are but a few posers that should agitate our minds enough to prepare us for the jolting realities we shall soon confront in this lecture.

It has been canvassed by some that part of the political undoing of Ndiigbo is their extreme republicanism wherein every man is at once a major player in every sphere of life. Those who hold this view insist that unlike in the West where the Yoruba have an appreciable level of cultural oligarchy, which instills rhythm and pattern in their political posturing or like the North where a combination of feudalism and common language have helped to hoist an acceptable uniform identity, [the Igbo]  have had no rallying point for any commonality to blossom. This position may not be too far from reality. To some extent, it may be true that the mainstream of Igbo identity and personality were destroyed by the events of the civil war. The trauma of the war and the subsequent defeat in the war significantly eroded the socio-cultural base of Ndiigbo and substantially battered the Igbo spirit. We need not bemoan this forever.

Part of the resultant crisis of identity among Ndiigbo include wilful enslavement to other cultures. When you attend a major function in Igboland in which the audience is largely Igbo, you will discover from the riotous dressing mode that truly [the Igbo] have lost their identity. But attend a similar function in Yoruba land or in the North and you will be in no doubt that you are in the land of a people proud of their heritage.

Incidentally, the way a people dress speaks volumes of their personality. A people who by their dressing demonstrate love and respect for their culture are most likely to attract same from their neighbours cannot be any different. Conscious of this, and also conscious of the urgent need to restore that self-respecting Igbo personality, we all cherish, I am very proud to inform you that from day one I become governor, I have always dressed in typical Igbo regalia as you can see even now.

Distinguished Ndiigbo, even more regrettable is the fact that [the Igbo] are rapidly losing their language. To a reasonable extent, we can say without fear of contradiction that majority of the Igbo elite no longer speak the Igbo language. When we do not speak our language, we automatically lose link with our roots and our culture. And how do we really expect to play any significant role in the complex, plural Nigerian polity when we must speak to ourselves in another man's language? How do we expect others to take us serious? It is only the demands of protocol that compel me to speak to you in English.

Again, conscious of the need to redress this sad anomaly, I am happy to inform you that one of my first actions as Governor of Imo State was to restore the Ahiajoku Lecture Series which was proscribed by the military. That Lecture Series is aimed at a renaissance of Igbo values and culture.

Be it as it may, I hasten to add that the position of this school of thought is discredited by the enviable political antecedents of the great Zik of Africa, the Rt. Hon. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. It is on record that in the good old days of NCNC Nationalism, Ndiigbo found the platform to speak with one political voice. The great Zik had such loyal followers as Michael Okpara, Nwafor Orizu, Akanu Ibiam, Dennis Osadebey and a host of others. So cohesive was the Igbo political machine that NCNC did not just hoist its flag in the then Eastern Region alone but held sway in the Midwestern Region.

With a federal structure of four regions, it meant that the political hegemony of Ndigbo covered 50% of the Federal Republic with real threats of extending even beyond. Indeed, but for the first political coup of 1952, that hegemony would have extended to the Western Region and, therefore, covered 75per cent of the federation.

In a way, therefore, the turning point in Igbo political ascendancy could be traced to 1952, during the information carpet crossing at the Western Regional House of Assembly. Because Zik, who as a leader of NCNC was denied premiership of Western Region, which he won, he was consequently forced to return to the Eastern Region to become the premier by displacing Eyo Ita. That singular act estranged the Eastern minorities from Ndiigbo and I dare say that we are yet to recover from those unfortunate incidents. Time, indeed, should heal this wound. It is our prayer and wish that the wound be healed.

How did Zik achieve the rare feat of bestriding our political shores like the political colossus that he was? How did he attain such high level acceptability in the West, in the Midwest and in the East? A successful explication of this poser will help us appreciate better the present political predicament of Ndiigbo in Nigeria, Zik was famed for his resilience, resourcefulness and accommodation.

These rare qualities made him appreciate the sensibilities of others by accommodating their fears in his political ministry. It was this benign disposition that endeared him to other Nationalities who did not envisage any risk in entrusting political leadership with him. He had political apostles outside Igboland. Such political heavyweights included Adegoke Adelabu, Adeniran Ogunsanya, Fred MacWen, Festus Okotie-Eboh, and a host of others.

That such political civility endeared Zik to even his greatest political foes, such as Chief Obafemi Awolowo is stating the obvious. Awolowo in all modesty once declared that the only person he could accept to serve under politically was the great Zik of Africa. Perhaps, part of the problem may well be that the present corps of Igbo political leadership failed to imbibe this enduring political sociology from Zik.

The most alluring aspect of that political heritage was stoic discipline by the Igbo elite. Igbo leaders were disciplined enough not to seek to be jack of all trade and master of none. [The Igbo] who were in business diligently applied their skill to their calling. For instance, although, Sir Odumegwu Ojukwu, an Igbo, was one of the first generation millionaires in the country then, he never on account of his wealth ventured into politics.

The Igbo elite at that time believed firmly in the overt advantages of economies of scale, whereby one profited most from where his skill excelled most. And that is but natural. Thus, while the Ziks of this world played politics full blast, the Ojukwus blossomed in business. The resume is that Ibos carried themselves as a responsible army of well focused, sure-footed and self-respecting tribe, firmly rooted in different fields but in collective pursuit of an identifiable political goal, to wit, Igbo ascendancy and dignity.

The discerning Nigerian community reciprocated with their respect and admiration for [the Igbo]. The story is radically different today. The misplaced assumption by a few wealthy people that money decides everything and the prodigal abandonment of Igbo heritage has Igboland asunder. Those who made it in business seem to be hell bent on dictating what happens in politics even if politics is not their calling. Simultaneously, both the rich and the poor are rapidly distancing themselves from their Igboness as if it were a leprous plague to strike at noon. Consequently, Igboland has been turned into a veritable battle ground between the wealthy and the politician and between foreign cultures.

Some of our businessmen on account of their success in business have appropriated the position of king makers or even that of kings. They want all at once to become the politician, the Royal father and the businessman. Some, if given the opportunity will want also to become Bishops and even Popes. Ironically and sadly, this is only unique to the Ibos. Such conduct only smack of heavy intoxication by wealth. It confirms fears by on-lookers that for the Igbo money is the god that must be obeyed.

It is sad that we are allowing others to see us as a race where drunken dramatization of wealth is the determinant of political vision. Even more regrettable is that most of these new generation millionaires live in far away Lagos and Abuja from where they want to dictate who gets what at home. In other parts of the country there still exists a distinction between the political class, the business class, the technocrat and the traditional class. It is painful to admit that it is only in Igboland that this difference is fast fading into oblivion to the peril of the race.

The political class is not made up of saints either. Most politicians are in fierce pursuit of wealth to the detriment of the welfare of the people, whom they have sworn to serve. The way some of our politicians have conducted themselves, appear to have even further alienated Ndiigbo from political socialization. Many Igbo are becoming increasingly interested in politics only because they see it as the shortest road to wealth.

Put differently, politics in Igboland is fast becoming another variant of business except that in this case the containers come in smaller boxes otherwise known as the ballot boxes. Little wonder then that the politicians are at each others throat in Igboland for these little containers (ballot boxes). All these do not, and will not, speak well of Ndiigbo as a people, or should they?

It is doubtful that rest of the country can afford to take us serious when it is only in the southeast zone that millionaires insist on dictating who becomes what in politics. It is doubtful that Ndiigbo can be taken seriously when they appear to be ashamed of their heritage. It is, indeed, doubtful that we can make political progress without a language of our own. I regret to note that these acts of indiscretion on our part have made the southeast the most vulnerable political zone in the country.