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KWENU: Our Culture, Our Future |
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Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa. For 28 of 50 years of
flag independence, corrupt and autocratic military musclemen ruled this country
of over 150 million people. For 22 years, careless and corrupt political
parasites and their callous and crooked cronies made a mess of both
British-parliamentary and American-style presidential democracies that work
elsewhere. Consequently, what would have been the proud banner of African
post-colonial progression has turned into a spiteful state.
Suddenly, Sani Abacha kicked the bucket.
One thing led to another, and democracy dawned. Again. The
internal problems still demanded a suspension of disbelief to comprehend. It was
so shocking that law-abiding citizens simply shuddered. How did this beautiful
and rich country become a poor state of economic and sociopolitical scorpions?
What happened between a promising, political independence, through an immense
oil wealth, and this pathetic situation? How could any credible leadership
(civilian or military) rescue Nigeria from approaching abysmal extinction?
If it is not leaking, it is working, right? Right! Nigeria is
not working; it has been leaking since colonial Britannia patched it up for
colonial commercial interests. The 1914 Amalgamation, which gave life to an
imperial estate of disparate and ancient African nations, marked the beginning
of a tactless exercise in nation building. The exercise has not succeeded, and
it is not for lack of trying. Yet, few people see the futility of the status
quo. The people of Nigeria have done all they could to patch up a dysfunctional
political marriage and make it work. They have run out of places to patch.
Things fall apart.
The ancestors of today Nigerians lived and died in the hope that their offspring
would carry on the tradition of advancing the culture and economy through strong
political leadership, trade, and respect for the rule of law. It was not to be.
The leaders have stumbled from one catastrophic crisis to another. In just 50
years, the country has had a bloody and brutal civil war, many coups and
countercoups d’état, economic hardships in the midst of immense human and
natural resources, social instability, religious riots of sickening proportions,
endless ethnic enmities, brutal bureaucracies, and perennial political problems.
There is no end in sight.
With the death of Abacha, his successor Abdulsalam Abubakar hurriedly
transformed the failed transition into present-day and surprisingly sustaining
democratic dispensation. The political impasse that dogged the failed
experiments in democracy dragged on through the new republic. The reason is not
farfetched: a fractured federation
founded on a faulty foundation.
This presentation does not attempt to answer all the complex
questions of Nigeria’s federation. It does not attempt to pin blames on
individuals or groups for the failure of what could have been, and could still
be, a beautiful land of great African nations. The condition that Nigerians find
the country at 50 is terribly disappointing. It is indeed unacceptable that a
land endowed with tremendous human and material resources should be crawling
while johnny-come-lately states take their places in the league of so-called
advanced nations.
What are the solutions to the pathetic problems?
Unfortunately, there is absolutely no answer within the present geopolitical
structure. Nigerians can only try. There is no way Nigeria can survive as
presently setup. The natural nationalism of its constituent entities persists.
Masking the peculiarities of such diverse and entrenched ethnic entities behind
a murky mask of nurtured Nigerian nationalism cannot continue for far too long.
My contention here is very simple: We have tried for nearly a
century to forge a national identity and unity without much success. We failed
because we have never discussed seriously and dispassionately the modalities for
“one nation, one destiny.” We learnt little from the rich lessons of our
turbulent history. We never stop to ponder why certain trends persist.
With the botched transition to 1993 Third Republic, some
constituent nationalities talked of secession. Why do certain groups seek a
divorce they are unlikely to get only when they feel that national events stack
against them? Why do some ethnicities clamor for one Nigeria when the going is
good, and lament the failure of Biafra—and their leaders’ roles during the
war—whenever the going is bad?
There are many questions to ask, and very few answers to
give. This work is not a panacea for whatever afflicts Nigeria.
What is it?
Is it leadership or lack of one? Maybe, but is also a failure of followership
and structure. Many fail to realize that Nigeria is a colonial contraption
of many nations that grew from different
cultural, religious, and social standpoints over different historical intervals.
There are so many untapped good things about these nations. Nigerian so-called
leaders fraudulently believe that there is an indivisible nation called Nigeria.
They sweep the rich ethnic attributes under the carpet as unspeakable
“tribalism,” as if there are “tribes” roaming about in Nigeria and fighting for
the political control of over 150 million people!
The truth of the matter is that
Europeans formed their new states along defined ethnic and linguistic lines. In
Africa, they carved up ancient nations into states along arbitrary lines.
Therefore, while European ethnic and linguistic entities became rich seamless
states, African nations became poor colonial contraptions. There is no other
continent with such brazen geopolitical gerrymandering. There are no other
people in the world so brutally beat-up into dysfunction as Africans
Uncorrected colonial crudity has been the bane of endless conflicts in Africa.
This alien gerrymandering was at the root of the Congo-Katanga crisis, the
Biafran blight, the ravages of Rwanda, the slaughters in Sudan, the faults in
South Africa’s political terrain, the lunacy of Liberia, and the now-solved
sorry situation in Sierra Leone. There is no country in colonized Africa that is
untouched by a foreign political culture hoisted on groups of nations that have
worked out their ways of life over the centuries. The crises are not likely to
end without a radical reversal of these colonial contraptions called countries.
Nations emerged from European colonialism and embarked on
building a country. The various nationalities neither talked to each other nor
negotiated the terms of association. When they talked after independence, they
talked about each other and exploited jingoistic and religious sentiments.
Stereotypical schemes designed to ward off the fear of domination fouled decent
discourse. The resultant and now encoded ethnic enmities dribbled deep into the
false fabric of a false federation, a fabric woven around the economic and
imperialistic interest of Victorian Britannia.
My counsel therefore is that these nations must renegotiate a
new model for constructive coexistence. If they cannot forge a nation now, they
do not have to be at each other’s throat. If they hope to survive in a
resource-starved and fiercely competitive global village, these nations must
coexist, even if for survival necessity. Whatever society or politics evolves in
the next 50 years, these nations will coexist in some socioeconomic arrangement.
This is the time for Nigerians to consider just how constructive the coexistence
should be, possibly in a popular national conference.
Views presented should propel a possible process of creating constructive
coexistence in confederation à la
Suisse or Britannia, a functional federation, or a radically rigid
regionalism.
Whichever cap fits, the various nations should bring the details to a table of
negotiation as equal partners. This should not necessarily be about societies or
political statehood. Discussions that lean on Nigeria’s nurtured nationalism, an
assumed allegiance, have not stood the test of time. Why waste time with
fairytale nationalism when diversity can create unity in a productive and
progressive political paradise? What is the driving force behind the lip service
paid to one Nigeria? Is there something some know that the peoples of this
geopolitical ghetto don’t?
I put out relevant arguments on a backdrop of history because
people relate to past events easier than abstract theories of sociology and
political science. Records of proper places, notable names, and times exist, but
my interpretations are somewhat different, and they may not be 20/20. My
opinions are exactly what they are: mine. My views do not reflect those of any
persons or group of persons. Nonetheless, I hope that everyone who wades through
my expositions and proposals will find the presentation worthwhile.
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