Igbo candidate for president of Nigeria in 2003

KWENU! Our culture, our future

Igbo candidate for president of Nigeria in 2003

Max Gbanite
New Jersey, U.S.A.

Monday, May 20, 2002

The Igbo in my opinion are the most ardent Nigerians anywhere in the world today. Experts would agree that four out of every five Africans outside Black Africa is a Nigerian; Nigerians agree that three of the four are possibly Igbo. Some experts claim that the Igbo nation is probably a lost tribe of Israel, but the British archives could not establish from where Ndiigbo migrated. It is then assumed that while every other ethnic group that inhabits Nigeria today can trace their source of migration, the Igbo arguably are the only group that were there before others. Since the conception of Nigeria, the Igbo have played prominent roles in shaping and reshaping its history, and they will continue to play significant roles in whatever becomes of future Nigeria.

The late Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (Zik), an Igbo by birth, was considered more a Nigerian because of his dogged pioneering role in getting the British to extend Independence rights to Nigeria in 1960. At his death in 1996, the people of Zungeru in the North, his birthplace, asked that his body be interred in their land as a mark of respect for his role as a true giant of Nigerian nationalism. His Igbo ancestry prevailed, and he was buried at Onitsha, the land of his ancestors. That Dr. Azikiwe was born in 1904 shows that his parents migrated to Zungeru in the late 1800s. Again this exemplifies the extent of the reaches of Igbo people in developing the entity that is Nigeria today.

To dwell on the great accomplishments of the Igbo in this write-up will take an encyclopedic nature because the facts are too vast to state. The issue here is who the Igbo candidate for President of Nigeria in 2003 would or should be. But before presenting the candidate it is imperative to delve into the past and review the past candidates before arriving at the future one. I will therefore look at the following: Pre-Independence era, Post-Independence era, and Post-Civil War era.

Pre- Independence:

"Herbert Macaulay was a political colossus. He was an uncompromising critic of white rule, and a ruthless pamphleteer. He became the idol of the on-coming youths throughout Nigeria". The words of Dr. K.O.Mbadiwe in his book 'The rebirth of a Nation'. The stage was then set for the likes of Late Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe to assume the leadership in the struggle for Nigeria's independence by establishing the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM), and the Zikist Movement. Nigeria at the time had serious men of substance like Sir Adeyemo Alakija, Mr. Eric O. Moore, and Dr. C.C. Adeniyi-Jones, Mr. Ernest Ikoli, Mr. Egerton Shyngle, Mr. Wynter Shackleford and, Mr. J. Clinton, yet Herbert Macaulay chose Dr. Azikiwe to lead the pack because he (Macaulay) saw in the young man the zeal to be forthright in handling the affairs of the emerging nation.

The agitation for the independence of the country would not have manifested itself had it not been for the constant problem it caused the British government, to the extent that it branded Zik a troublemaker and had to jail him a couple of times for writing what was then called incitous materials against the government.

Before the formation of Action Group (AG) in 1950 by the late Oba Olateru, the Olowo of Owo (who actually wanted Chief Akintola to head the group due to his communication skills, but to the chagrin of Awolowo, who later engineered his exile), and Chief Obafemi Awolowo as a predominantly Yoruba party, and the formation of Nothern Peoples Congress (NPC) by the late Sarduana Ahmadu Bello, as a predominantly northern party and as an alternative to the already existing Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) led by Mallam Aminu Kano, and the Joseph Tarka's United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC), the Igbo were already in control of the National Convention of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC) -- a party which had membership across the board from the North, West, entire East, and the Cameroons.

Then Igbo politicians appeared to understand their sociopolitical environment; they found ways to dominate it. But something very interesting happened when the time came to select the prime minister in 1957. The actors at the time were AG with three delegates, NPCwith 3 delegates, and NCNC with six delegates. Naturally the party with the greatest number of delegates was allowed to present the candidate for the premiership. The NCNC, though controlled by the Igbo, could have opted to present a candidate for the exulted position of prime minister. Had that happened, Dr. Azikiwe would have emerged as the primus inter pares, thus becoming the Igbo candidate, and the first Nigerian to hold such a position. Somehow Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe saw the wisdom to convince other delegates of NCNC like Dr. M.I. Okpara, Chief D.C. Osadebay, Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu, Chief Kola Balogun, and Professor S.D. Onabamiro to overlook their party principle by advocating the principle of compromise in the interest of the country by allowing NPC with only three delegates to provide the prime minister. Thus, the late Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa became prime minister, enabling NCNC to provide the president in the person of Dr. Azikiwe.

This singular act helped to shape Nigeria. When later in life I had the opportunity to talk with Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe about that action, he averred that had NCNC allowed sentiments to prevail, they would have done otherwise; and that would have resulted in NPC rejecting the call for independence. Consequently, it would have given the British authorities the basis for continuation of colonialism. Thus, Balewa was the first Igbo candidate for premiership of Nigeria, and he wasn't even an Igbo by birth but an Igbo in spirit. According to Mbadiwe, the accord-concordia was that after two terms in office, an Easterner would assume the position of prime minister. The word "Easterner" was more important than Igbo.

Post Independence:

After Independence, the leadership was trust upon Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, though with unapologetic intrusion from the Sarduana of Sokoto whenever it came to matters or issues affecting the North. On national issues, Balewa had notable advisers like Dr. Azikiwe as the President, Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe as one of the top ministers, Dr. Nwafor Orizu, then Senate President, Chief M.T. Mbu, foreign minister, and many notable Easterners of substance. The military officer corps, besides Gen. Wellaby and a few British officers left behind for easy transition of governance, was inevitably controlled by officers from the East; whilst the rank and file and NCO cadres were controlled by the Northerners of Jukun, Tiv, and Hausa extractions.

The chaos that developed in what was then called the wild-wild West, reminiscence of the modern day activities of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC), and the Tiv riot -- which raised its ugly head again last December -- created a state of uncertainty in the country. Hence, an environment for a military takeover was permeated. This led to the Majors Ademoyega and Ifeajuna's planning the first military coup that made Nzeogwu the interlocutor. The Igbo are blamed today for that singular act of distrust visited upon a democratic people by its military force, especially given the fact that majority of the leaders that were murdered cold blood were mainly non-Igbo. As such the stigmatization and castigation of the Igbo and their Eastern brethren started in earnest. This action led to the planning of the genocidal Pogrom that would scar the Igbo for generations yet unborn. Consequently, the Igbo were dethroned from acting as the prime leaders of Nigeria.

What compelled the then Senate President Dr. A. Nwafor Orizu to hand over power to the military government led by the late General J. T. U. Aguiyi-Ironsi, even though the latter had successfully squashed the coup attempt, no one really knows. One school of thought believe that the men in uniform coerced him; the other said that he had offered the late Alhaji Dipcharima the opportunity to form a government, but the venerable Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe argued that he (Mbadiwe) was a senior minister to Dipcharima and therefore reserved the right to form the government. If that were to be true, then Mbadiwe could be likened to not being sensitive to the plight of Northerners. Dr. Orizu on his part did not want it to look like the Igbo were replacing the Prime Minister, whom their sons in the military had killed.

The argument can continue till all hell freezes. One thing I could not get Dr. Mbadiwe to explain to me, when I visited him to educate me more on the events of our national history, was a nagging assumption that immediately after the execution of the coup and subsequent arrest of the coup plotters by officers of Igbo ancestry, no Igbo in the position of leadership condemned the assassins publicly or called for their outright execution. He had no answer for me, but he stated unequivocally that he did condemn the coup, but no newspaper published it. "After all, the Premier was my closest friend, his death was a monumental loss to me, and the nation…with a sigh, he always calls me 'Speed and Magic,' and I called him the 'Black Rock' and 'Golden Voice'."

The Igbo people gave Nigeria her first military head of state in the person of General Aguiyi-Ironsi under whose government the currently practiced 'Centralized Government' was introduced -- the infamous 'Decree 34.' He consequently lost his life for the misunderstanding of the edict that is time-tested and still works today. Experts argue that the genocidal Pogrom visited upon the people of the East and Mid West, especially the Igbo residing in the Northern and Western region can be linked to the 'Decree 34' and to the brutal killing of Northern and Western leaders in government and in the military. If that was the case, then the executioners of General Aguiyi-Ironsi and the executors of the Pogrom were very wrong.

Going by what the military did then and how they have dominated Nigerian affairs, it is evident that all coups are simply military arrangements or, as the late Fela Anikulapo-Kuti called it, 'Army Arrangements.' Coup has nothing to do with ethnicity. After all, Yakubu Gowon, Murtala Muhammed, Shehu Shagari, and Muhammadu Buhari were all removed by officers from the North; yet, not one of the coups is referred to as Northern coup. One bewildering aspect of the whole shebang, and one that I find to lend obliquity to the reason that the coup executed by Major Nzeogwu was an Igbo sponsored coup, is the simple fact that when the same Major Nzeogwu was killed in an ambush at Nsukka sector early in the war, his body was sent straight to Kaduna, where it was given a full military honor before being interred. If this same man was so hated by the North for leading the execution of their leaders, why was he accorded such an honor?

The Igbo have continuously stated that Igbo leaders did not sanction the coup. The blame on the Igbo in general by the rest of Nigeria must stop. But having made their case at the Justice Chukwudife Oputa Panel for Human Rights Violation on the presentation by Ohanaeze, the North led by Arewa Consultative Forum made a counter claim. In my opinion an opportunity for righting the wrong of the past by both groups was missed, but may still present itself again in future. Ohanaeze Ndiigbo, as some Igbo residents of Abuja clearly pointed out, should have seized the opportunity to say to Nigeria that the Igbo were truly remorseful for the brutal killings of January 15, 1966 by some misguided Igbo sons in the Army; however, that the Igbo leadership and ordinary citizens never supported the dastardly act and would like the rest of the country to stop blaming the Igbo as a people. Thence, Ohanaeze would demand the much-deserved apology for the genocidal Pogrom that was visited upon them. [This writer lost twenty-five members of his maternal relatives, and his hometown lost additional 1,000 to the Biafra-Nigeria War that followed.] Had Ohanaeze done that, Arewa would have been forced to equally apologize to the Igbo for the Pogrom and would have agreed in tandem that Ndiigbo and the entire East deserve monetary compensation to set the stage for the eventual ascendancy to the exulted office Nigeria president in 2003.

Post-Civil War:

In 1984 at the Onuiyi residence of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, while paying homage to the great nationalist and pan-Africanist extraordinaire in the company of Chief T.E.O. Gbanite, I had an opportunity to seek answers to certain questions posed by his detractors. 1) The abandonment of Ndiigbo during the war. (2) The future of Ndiigbo in Nigeria, and (3) If the Military will ever relinquish power? The great man smiled and said "I don't want everyone to like me; I should think less of myself if some people did." (Apology to Henry James). He reassured me that the role he played was what saved the Igbo people from annihilation from the federal troops. He further said that he was able to sell the idea of 'No Victor No Vanquished' to General Yakubu Gowon (rtd.) through the then Sole Administrator of the East, Ajie Ukpabi Asika, when they met in London. Chief P. I Okeke (of blessed memory), who was the Biafran Inspector General of Police, lent some credence in full details on the magnificent contributions of Dr. Azikiwe to the war efforts, and his reasons for leaving the country. Okeke posited that Ndiigbo would eventually come to respect the ideals of Zik when the whole truth finally came out.

As a leader, Dr. Azikiwe saw the need to end the war with immediate effect because of its effect on the people, and especially the children of Biafra. On the second question he gave me two quotations, he said: "Appearance gives us more pleasure than reality, especially when they help to satisfy our egos." (Emile Chevalier), and the other was a quote from Henry Wadsworth Longfellow who said: "We judge ourselves by what we feel capable of doing, while others judge us by what we have already done."

Further dissemination of his views lends credence to the notion that Ndiigbo must do a thorough search from within and must study the qualities that made men like Dr. Azikiwe, Dr. M.I. Okpara, and Dr. Akanu Ibiam, Nwafor Orizu, K.O. Mbadiwe, late Chief Nwodo, Barrister Mbanefo, Mazi Mbonu Ojike, Chief C.C. Onoh, and a good many other virtuoso leaders. Their leadership was resplendent with integrity and moral fortitude worth emulating. Theirs was more of acquiescence of political power through servitude without bloated egos found in some so-called "Igbo leaders" of today. These men of distinction shunned monetary gains, and they never used their exalted office to subterfuge the trust of their people. They were indeed the true leaders.

But before their emergence, there were other unspoken heroes who shunned politics for commerce, and inevitably excelled in the art of moneymaking. These are the unsung heroes of Igbo leadership on whose back many of the politicians rode to prominence. These are Sir Louis Odumegwu Ojukwu, J. Green Mbadiwe, Okonkwo Kano, Mbonu Maidugiri, Chief P.C. Ndu of Jos, Chief Akwiwu, Chief C. Moore Obioha, Chief Nnanna Kalu, and Eze Onyeama n'Eke. They sponsored many of the politicians, lawyers, and doctors to acquire the skills needed to take over from the British when the time came, thus keeping Igbo people on top of things.

On my third question Azikiwe postulated that the military having tasted power would never relinquish it so easily to the civilians. He advocated 'diarchy,' but the press and political wannabes riled him as an old man without vision. Well, General Ibrahim B Babangida (IBB) attempted it, and it worked. Nigeria is practicing the same thing except that the President is retired from active military commission. It is therefore very imperative for the future generations of Nigerians to understand that the military has a stake as well as the civilians in the entity called Nigeria. Anyone who thinks otherwise is perhaps in delusion.

The Igbo since the end of the war have never, and probably will never be the same united people that they were in prewar era. This is a given fact that must be accepted. If we are to move ahead and create the vision of leadership through servitude for the next Igbo generation in Nigeria, we must inculcate our skills in business negotiations and convert them to political negotiations. No Igbo man who is in business likes to lose money, and he would negotiate with all his skills to make sure that that doesn't happen. The same skill is easily transferable to politics. Instead of making unachievable demands, we must with measured tenacity negotiate for our position without rancor. Roderick Thorp appears to be speaking to Ndiigbo when he said: "We have to learn to be our own best friends because we fall too easily into the trap of being our own worst enemies."

The creation of states instead of enhancing development created a wide gulf of mistrust amongst Igbo people and the immediate sister states that were once called Easterners. The Igbo people are still seething from what they consider ill treatment extended to them during the war by the people of what is today called "South-south" (Cross River State, Akwa Ibom State, Rivers State, and Bayelsa State), more so on the issue of abandoned properties. It is ironic that the North and West that fought the war against the East eventually returned all the properties belonging to the Igbo. But the people of Rivers State alone insist on seizing Igbo property. This is unacceptable, and it is absurd; it requires immediate remediation. But, wait a second, Ndiigbo should and must ask the Rivers people a question: "Why are you doing this? We did not fight against you but with you."

The Igbo must begin to mend their flanks by reestablishing the weakened links with these States including Delta State. Simple things are sometimes more important than big things. For instance someone from Cross River, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Rivers, and Delta could ask why there are no streets in any of the Igbo States (Anambra, Enugu, Imo, Abia, and Ebonyi) named after their sons that fought and died with the Igbo people during that war. Good number of Biafran officer corps originated from these places. Names like General Philip Effiong, Colonel Archibong, Colonel Ochei, Colonel Nwawo, Colonel Achuzia, Colonle Okwechime, and non-soldiers like Okoko Ndem, Dr. Leton (helped to develop Ogbunigwe mine), and many others whose names have eluded my memory.

Such gestures and constant meetings of leaders of thought would help to heal the mistrust already ingrained in the heart of the people of the East. Sometime in 2001, Dr. M. T. Mbu the first foreign minister attempted what was considered by many an approach to reconciliation of the old Eastern states when he hosted the first meeting of Eastern Elders Forum, an amalgam of notable leaders and elders within the region, to at least attempt to forge together in presenting Nigeria with a credible presidential candidate in 2003, and possible economic cooperation in revitalizing the economy of the region.

A second meeting has not taken place since the first. Could the reason be that of lack of trust amongst these old leaders, and the new self-appointed leaders of the people? Well, they must not be discouraged. If the Igbo think they can produce a president, they must first reconcile with their brothers of the old East, and even offer the opportunity to them to present a credible candidate.

Conclusion:

The title of this write-up calls for an Igbo candidate for president of Nigeria in 2003. I have to delve into the past before arriving at a reasonable conclusion on whom the candidate should or should not be. Many prominent Igbo politicians, and people in business have made statements about their preferred candidate for the exalted position. In my previous article titled, "Can Chief Olusegun Obasanjo be defeated in 2003" posted on May 8, 2002, I subscribed that Ndiigbo should look to the hills of Minna, and ask IBB to come out for the position, while they present the Vice President. This combination I said would crush the Obasanjo/Atiku ticket.

Many people welcomed my position as a workable solution, while others chose to disagree. That is democracy at work: the freedom to exercise one's opinion. Having looked at some of the points raised by dissenters, I particularly liked what Dr. Okenwa Nwosu, an Igbo medical practitioner based in Maryland, had to say about what I wrote. I chose to comment on his dissention because of his maturity and articulate view in disagreeing with my postulations. His position was strictly on issues, and not an attack on the writer for stating his well-earned views. However, there are a few others in his newsgroup whose verbal acerbity begs for relevance, as if by criticizing, attacking, or pillorying the character of others without tangible contribution to the issue, makes their views credible. What a laughable bunch. These are the people Dr. M. O. Ene refers to as "Gbolibans" and "Chihuahuas." And, I will simply dismiss them as people who suffer from mental and intellectual dwarfism. Thanks to America, they have arrived.

Dr Okenwa wrote: "Ndiigbo should resoundingly reject the prodding to spearhead the endeavor to persuade IBB to contest the next elections so as to enable the Southeast to provide him a running mate. The notion of an Igbo being a Vice-President is unprecedented but to beg for such an "honor" in present scheme of things is absolutely demeaning. Many are still bewildered about all the theatricals that preceded Obasanjo's declaration to seek a second term. Max Gbanite, if his will prevails, is intent on rehashing this whole charade, this time for sparking off the presidential candidacy of his idol, General Babangida. He has his reasons for choosing IBB and that ought to be his right in a democracy. His assessment of Ndiigbo and their place in contemporary Nigerian politics, is not only insulting, but it is also wrong." He also averred that Obasanjo/Atiku ticket might not be done, yet even if it emerges victorious in 2003 polls, because the vice-president is being seriously groomed to succeed his boss in 2007.

Another important remark excerpted from his write-up states: "An Igbo can still emerge as a credible presidential candidate in any of the major political parties. The best approach to challenge Obasanjo's bid to remain in Aso Rock is actually to produce a credible candidate from the South, not the North, since Obasanjo has served only one term since the exit of a chain of Northern Military rulers. The Southeast or Southsouth can produce candidates who will have better chances of defeating the incumbent President in 2003."

Dr. Okenwa is democratically correct in his statements. However, many in Nigeria will consider his vituperations emotional. I can understand his position very well. However, in politics, lobbying is synonymous with begging. And if as he suggests that to lobby IBB to come out of retirement and contest for the presidency of Nigeria with an Igbo vice-president is insulting to Ndiigbo and at the same time wrong, then he is out of touch of what is happening in Nigeria today.

His assessment that Atiku may rise to contest the 2007 election if his ticket with Obasanjo emerges victorious in 2003 election is a fact that any Igbo person must dread. Perhaps Dr. Okenwa would be more comfortable seeing Ndiigbo play third, fourth, and fifth fiddle instead of second fiddle. Does he know that should the unthinkable manifest, as he has prescribed, and Obasanjo/Atiku emerges in 2003, Ndiigbo may not get to see both number two and one positions until 2014. This means taking five steps backwards. But, based on my recommendation, should Ndiigbo accept and ask IBB to consider the position, the Igbo would not only emerge as number two but will also get to number one in either 2007 or 2011. This is faster. The big issue is whether IBB will accept.

Dr. Okenwa's final excerpt suggested having a credible candidate from the Southeast or Southsouth who can defeat Obasanjo/Atiku. May I ask the distinguished Doctor whom he has in mind? Credibility in Nigerian politics is winability. And judging by the current actors most of whom are non-military brass, the answer is truly a twilight ambition. Most Nigerians have come to the realization that to safeguard the country's democracy, power must be shared with the military. Either the president is a retired soldier, his vice a civilian, or the vice-verse. The era of only civilians taking both positions ended with Shagari/Ekwueme's era.

With all due respect to the learned Doctor, I previously advanced the theory of the Southsouth candidate in 1998 while in Nigeria: In an interview with Abuja Mirror (circa November/December issue 1998), I canvassed that for Ndiigbo to get the support of the Southsouth states, they should advance and support a candidate from that region and ask Dr. Ekwueme to step down. Had they done that, it would become easier to seek the support of the Southsouth today for an Igbo candidate. The Igbo readers of the paper called for my head. When we got to the PDP Convention in Jos, the same people went behind and got settled by PDM operatives, dumped Chief Ekwueme, and picked Chief Obasanjo as the Igbo candidate for 1999.

Don't be appalled by their action; history suggests that quite often Ndiigbo could select a non-Igbo indigene as their candidate for the office of Nigeria's President because they are truly republican and democratic in nature; they have the proclivity to see certain Igbo values in many non-Igbo people. No apologies, it's in their nature.

Ndiigbo have paraded many of their sons as candidates for this office. At the same time, they have castigated the same people they want Nigerians to take a chance on. When I discussed the import of having an Igbo as president with a highly placed Igbo politician (name withheld), he laughed out loud. I wanted to know why. He quickly reminded me of the mess Ndiigbo made with the position of senate president reserved for them. When distinguished Senator Evans Ewerem emerged as the Senate President, his colleague and fellow Igbo, Senator Dr. Chuba Okadigbo, according to observers, felt that his destiny had been taken away from him. They said that he didn't leave any stones unturned to make sure Evans Ewerem was impeached. He succeeded and mounted the stool, only to be disgraced out of the same seat, clearing the way for Senator Anyim Pius Anyim to emerge. Going by the events that played itself out within the Senate, the issue now is: Will Ndiigbo appoint a president for Nigeria only to impeach him and replace him with another? That's your credibility right there. Is Chief Evans Ewerem not Igbo enough?

Okwadike (Dr.) Chukwuemeka Ezeife, political adviser to President Obasanjo and former Governor of Anambra State, in an interview with a leading newspaper stated that Igbo politicians currently aspiring to become president in Nigeria in 2003 are "lone rangers" because they had not mobilized Ndiigbo to stand behind them, neither had they sought political cooperation with other major ethnic nationalities in the country. He is very correct. Minister of Transport, Chief Ojo Maduekwe was said to have stated, "A call for an Igbo president is Idiotic." Many Igbo pundits called for his head and demanded an apology from him. The minister clarified his position. If he was wrong, then the events that are unfolding in Igboland today in respect to a candidate has vindicated him. Minister of Health Professor A.B.C. Nwosu recently said that a call for Igbo president is "cheap blackmail" (whitemail, if you wish to alternate). He is yet to be proven absurd.

Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu inferred that he is yet to see an Igbo candidate within PDP capable of defeating Obasanjo/Atiku ticket, and he was branded a slayer of Igbo presidential ambition. Well, unplanned ambitions could be likened to twilight imagination. "Imagination is a good horse to carry you over the ground-not a flying carpet to set you free from probability." (Apology to Robertson Davies) Four serving governors from the Igbo states of Anambra, Enugu, Ebonyi, and Imo have stated emphatically that Obasanjo/Atiku is their Igbo candidate for 2003 elections. That in itself is a clear indication of proof that Ndiigbo are true democrats and without their support no candidate can possibly emerge victorious in any election in Nigeria. If the duo of non-Igbo candidates supported by Ndiigbo, as stated by these governors, were truly to emerge victorious in 2003, what roles if any or fiddle would Ndiigbo be playing this time around?

Having studied the political situations, the permutations, and the actors as they stand today in Nigeria Ndiigbo must consider implementing a strategic approach to electioneering and selection of their representatives. They must consider what role or fiddle they hope to be playing if Obasanjo/Atiku emerges triumphant in the primaries, and ultimately in the final election.

While thinking, Ndiigbo must put into consideration whether their objective is to unseat Chief Obasanjo or accept him as their candidate for 2003. If their position is to unseat him, then they must look beyond the issue of presenting any candidate from within Igbo land for the sake of it. Rather, they should pick a very strong candidate capable of assisting their aim of unseating Chief Obasanjo. And that candidate is IBB. They must do this by excogitating and implementing a negotiable 'political quid pro quo' stance to advance their position. The question, however, is whether some Igbo top politicians, given their politics of emotion, are capable of nurturing such tactics. Time will tell.

Some Igbo people argue that since the Igbo leadership shifted from Abia in the person of Dr. M.I. Okpara, and Ebonyi in the person of Dr. Akanu Ibiam -- selfless leaders who defied corruption and all its antecedents throughout their leadership days -- and shifted toward what some prominent Igbo sons call “know-it-all” Igbo of Anambra extraction, that the political fortunes of Ndiigbo suffered to a degenerative level. They say that maybe it is time that the leadership went to other parts of Igboland or, as Chief Arthur Nzeribe coded it during the 1998 World Igbo Congress in London: “Ka a kpaa ya akpa.” [Let's talk about it.] Personally, I do not doubt the leadership potentials of all Igbo people; geography does not make a leader. So, for me and many other like-minded supporters of Igbo candidate for the president of Nigeria, as long as the objective is to select a competent and tested leader capable of defeating the Obasanjo/Atiku ticket in 2003, the answer lies in the hills of Minna.

General Ibrahim Babangida, like many past leaders of Nigeria, may have problems in certain parts of the country because of his past. But many Nigerians today have forgiven him for that past in the same manner they forgave Chief Obasanjo (except his Yoruba kinsmen) and picked him as the Arewa, Igbo, and Southsouth candidate for President in 1999. General Babangida might as well be the Arewa, Igbo, and Southsouth candidate for President in 2003, with an Igbo Vice-President, and the Senate president from Southsouth, and Speaker of the House from the West. This combination undoubtedly will cheat PDP out of their enviable position.

General Babangida was given the title 'Ogugua Ndiigbo' because during his first coming as the President. He abolished the issuance of import licenses, and this enabled Igbo traders to import goods and to trade freely, hence creating many millionaires. Be mindful that under Shagari/Ekwueme, import license was only given to NPN party supporters. In my view IBB's positive and negative contributions to the dynamics of Nigerian politics will remain indelible in the annals of Nigeria's history. If his contributions are honestly studied without bias, one will find out that his positive contributions far outweighs the negative. Those who participated during his term in office will attest that the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) was more democratic in nature than what the country has today under PDP leadership. Some of the members that I had a chance to interact with affirmed that issues were hotly debated before a resolution was reached. In due time his great contributions towards re-engineering of Nigeria will be presented for all to see, and embellish.

As Icheku of Thisday wrote, "History beckons, General. Like you did in 1999, this country needs your service again."

A good many Ndiigbo, Arewa, and Southsouth people stand tall with me in appealing to Nigerians qualified to vote to lobby the good General Babangida to come out as their candidate for President for 2003. Everything else, as Dr. M. O. Ene would put it, is embellishment.